Hello aspirants,<\/p>\n
Today\u2019s revision capsule of PSIR optional preparation covers CASTE, RELIGION AND ETHNICITY<\/strong>. There are four 20-markers, six 15-markers, and two 10-markers<\/strong> from this topic in last 12 years.<\/p>\n <\/p>\n \u00a0<\/strong><\/p>\n \u2460<\/u><\/strong>\u2003CASTE <\/u><\/strong>\u2194<\/u><\/strong> POLITICS<\/u><\/strong><\/p>\n <\/table class=”table-responsive”> \u00a0\u2461<\/u><\/strong>\u2003RELIGION <\/u><\/strong>\u2194<\/u><\/strong> POLITICS<\/u><\/strong><\/table class=”table-responsive”> \u00a0\u2462<\/strong>\u2003ETHNICITY <\/strong>\u2194<\/strong> INDIAN NATION-BUILDING<\/strong><\/table class=”table-responsive”> \u00a0Cross-cutting Arguments & key points <\/strong><\/p>\n \u00a0<\/u><\/strong>Scholars Index<\/u><\/strong>\u00a0<\/strong><\/p>\n Practice Questions<\/u><\/strong>\u00a0<\/strong>Question 1<\/strong>.<\/strong>Cultural and regional differences are the enduring bases on which politics is played out in India. Discuss. [2016\/10 m]<\/strong>\u00a0<\/strong>Question 2. <\/strong>“Relative deprivation is a major source of ethnic conflict.” Elaborate the statement with relevant examples. [2024\/15 m]<\/strong>\u00a0<\/strong>Question 3. <\/strong>The rise of caste politics is to be attributed to both regional aspirations and electoral manifestations. Comment. [2023\/20m]<\/strong>\u00a0<\/strong>\ud83d\udccc Model answers drop this evening on the Telegram channel:<\/em>https:\/\/t.me\/psirbyamitpratap<\/strong><\/a> \u2013 keep notifications on. Hello aspirants, Today\u2019s revision capsule of PSIR optional preparation covers CASTE, RELIGION AND ETHNICITY. There are four 20-markers, six 15-markers, and two 10-markers from this topic in last 12 years. \u00a0 \u2460\u2003CASTE \u2194 POLITICS <\/table class=”table-responsive”> \u00a0\u2461\u2003RELIGION \u2194 POLITICS<\/table class=”table-responsive”> \u00a0\u2462\u2003ETHNICITY \u2194 INDIAN NATION-BUILDING<\/table class=”table-responsive”> \u00a0Cross-cutting Arguments & key points Democratisation \u2260 de-ethnicisation Universal… Continue reading PSIR Power 50 \u2013 Day 24 Capsule: CASTE, RELIGION AND ETHNICITY+ Practice Qs<\/span><\/a><\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":10394,"featured_media":0,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":true,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"jetpack_post_was_ever_published":false,"footnotes":""},"categories":[12128,9],"tags":[12012],"class_list":["post-341734","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","hentry","category-psir-optional","category-public","tag-psir-forumias","entry"],"jetpack_featured_media_url":"","views":"","jetpack_sharing_enabled":true,"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/forumias.com\/blog\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/341734","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/forumias.com\/blog\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/forumias.com\/blog\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/forumias.com\/blog\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/10394"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/forumias.com\/blog\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=341734"}],"version-history":[{"count":0,"href":"https:\/\/forumias.com\/blog\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/341734\/revisions"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/forumias.com\/blog\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=341734"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/forumias.com\/blog\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=341734"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/forumias.com\/blog\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=341734"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}\n
\nUniversal franchise<\/em> actually furnishes caste, religious and regional identities with unprecedented bargaining power.<\/li>\n
\nSymbolic gains (legislative seats, festival recognition) do not automatically deliver redistribution\u2014echoed by Mehta, Omvedt, Pai<\/strong>.<\/li>\n
\nMobilisers (priests, politicians, militants) may spark<\/em> action, but enduring movements require genuine socio-economic stakes (land, jobs, language).<\/li>\n
\nLinguistic states (1950s), Bodoland Councils, Sixth-Schedule areas, Article 371 clauses show that calibrated autonomy can channel ethnic energy constructively\u2014Baruah\u2019s \u201cfederation-building\u201d<\/strong> thesis.<\/li>\n
\nCompeting visions\u2014Gandhian inclusive spirituality vs. Savarkar\u2019s cultural nationalism\u2014still shape debates on citizenship, minority rights and majoritarian entitlement.<\/li>\n
\nHow to align constitutional universalism<\/strong> with group-based justice<\/strong> so that empowerment politics does not ossify into perpetual identity conflict.<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n\n
\nSee you tomorrow on Day 25. Keep practicing!
\n\u2014Amit Pratap Singh & Team<\/strong>
\nA quick note on submissions of copies and mentorship<\/strong><\/p>\n\n
\n\n
\n Theme<\/strong><\/td>\n Core Ideas & Turning-points<\/strong><\/td>\n Scholars \/ Texts<\/strong><\/td>\n<\/tr>\n \n Why caste still counts<\/strong><\/td>\n Democratic franchise turned ritual hierarchies into political constituencies (\u201cdemocratic incarnation\u201d of caste).<\/td>\n Rajni Kothari \u2013 Caste in Indian Politics<\/em><\/strong>; L. I. & S. H. Rudolph<\/strong><\/td>\n<\/tr>\n \n Structure<\/strong><\/td>\n J\u0101ti<\/em> = hereditary, endogamous unit ranked by Louis Dumont\u2019s<\/strong> purity\/pollution scale (Homo Hierarchicus<\/em>).<\/td>\n Dumont<\/td>\n<\/tr>\n \n 19-20 C. anti-caste currents<\/strong><\/td>\n Brahmo, Arya, Satya Sodhak, Dravidian, Ambedkar-led movements erode ritualism.<\/td>\n Jyotirao Phule, Periyar, Ambedkar, Gandhi<\/strong><\/td>\n<\/tr>\n \n Rise of caste associations<\/strong><\/td>\n From socio-religious sabhas \u2192 electoral bargainers; single-caste & federations (e.g., Kshatriya Sabhas).<\/td>\n Kothari; Rudolph & Rudolph (2012 Pacific Affairs<\/em>)<\/td>\n<\/tr>\n \n Classic alliance formulas<\/strong><\/td>\n Triveni Sangh<\/em> (Kurmi-Yadav-Koeri, Bihar), AJGAR<\/strong> (Ahir-Jat-Gujar-Rajput), KHAM<\/strong> (Kshatriya-Harijan-Adivasi-Muslim, Gujarat); BAMCEF \u2013 DS4 \u2013 BSP<\/strong> (Kanshi Ram \/ Mayawati).<\/td>\n Chhotu Ram, Charan Singh, Kanshi Ram, Mayawati<\/strong><\/td>\n<\/tr>\n \n Electoral penetration<\/strong><\/td>\n \u201cDemocratic upsurges\u201d = OBC assertion (1960-70s) \u2192 Dalit advance (1980-90s).<\/td>\n Yogendra Yadav<\/strong>; Jaffrelot & Sanjay Kumar Rise of the Plebeians?<\/em><\/strong><\/td>\n<\/tr>\n \n Legislative footprint<\/strong><\/td>\n Quotas for SC\/ST\/OBC; Mandal (1990) triggers pro\/anti-reservation waves.<\/td>\n B. P. Mandal; V. P. Singh; Ghanshyam Shah<\/strong><\/td>\n<\/tr>\n \n Caste + class dilemmas<\/strong><\/td>\n Gains in representation \u2260 proportional welfare; \u201cgap between representation & responsiveness.\u201d<\/td>\n Pratap Bhanu Mehta \u2013 Burden of Democracy<\/em><\/strong>; Gail Omvedt; Sudha Pai<\/strong><\/td>\n<\/tr>\n \n Conflict zones<\/strong><\/td>\n Bihar Senas; Andhra massacres (Karamchedu) illustrate land, status rivalries.<\/td>\n Mendelsohn & Vicziany; Dag-Erik Berg<\/strong><\/td>\n<\/tr>\n<\/tbody>\n\n \n <\/td>\n Milestones & Motifs<\/strong><\/td>\n Lead Voices \/ Works<\/strong><\/td>\n<\/tr>\n \n Two faces of \u201creligious politics\u201d<\/strong><\/td>\n (a) Faith as ideological core; (b) Faith as mobilisation tool (rituals, festivals, shrines).<\/td>\n Your conceptual frame<\/td>\n<\/tr>\n \n From reform to revival (19th c.)<\/strong><\/td>\n Social reform (Rammohan, Sir Syed) cedes ground to cultural revival: Ganesh Utsav, cow-protection, Hindi-Urdu row.<\/td>\n Bal Gangadhar Tilak; Bankim Chandra; Swami Dayanand; Vivekananda<\/strong><\/td>\n<\/tr>\n \n Hindu revivalism \/ Hindutva<\/strong><\/td>\n Nation tied to Vedic symbols; homogenise sects; masculinity rhetoric.<\/td>\n V. D. Savarkar \u2013 Hindutva<\/em><\/strong>; ICSSR Survey<\/td>\n<\/tr>\n \n Islamic reform streams<\/strong><\/td>\n Wahabi purism (Shah Waliullah \u2192 Sayyid Ahmad), Faraizi in Bengal; Sir Syed<\/strong> modernism at Aligarh.<\/td>\n Kenneth Jones Arya Dharma<\/em> (for communal polemics)<\/td>\n<\/tr>\n \n Historical memory politics<\/strong><\/td>\n \u201cTemple destruction\u201d myths, selective histories fuel polarisation.<\/td>\n Romila Thapar; Gyan Pandey (\u201cMobilising the Hindu Community\u201d)<\/strong><\/td>\n<\/tr>\n \n Gandhi vs. Communalism<\/strong><\/td>\n Ramrajya<\/em> = multi-faith ethical politics; warned of secularism without soul.<\/td>\n Thomas Pantham<\/strong> on Gandhi\u2019s \u201cPurna Swaraj\u201d<\/td>\n<\/tr>\n \n State & secularism<\/strong><\/td>\n Indian model vacillates between strict neutrality and multi-faith support; susceptible to majoritarian push & minority backlash.<\/td>\n Comparative note (US vs. India)<\/td>\n<\/tr>\n \n Violent flashpoints<\/strong><\/td>\n Mumbai 1992-93, Gujarat 2002 show policing bias, majority consolidation.<\/td>\n Empirical riot studies (e.g., Brass, Varshney\u2014implied)<\/td>\n<\/tr>\n<\/tbody>\n \n\n Region \/ Issue<\/strong><\/td>\n Grievance Trajectory<\/strong><\/td>\n Analytical Lenses<\/strong><\/td>\n Key Analysts<\/strong><\/td>\n<\/tr>\n \n North-East<\/strong> (Nagaland, Mizoram, Assam, Bodoland)<\/td>\n Autonomy \u2192 secession \u2192 insurgency (NSCN, ULFA); demand genuine federation.<\/td>\n \u2460 Modernisation gap; \u2461 \u201cNation-state vs. federation\u201d neglect.<\/td>\n S. K. Chaube; B. G. Verghese; Myron Wiener<\/strong> \u27f8 vs. Sanjib Baruah; Sajal Nag; Hiren Guhain; Sanjay Hazarika<\/strong><\/td>\n<\/tr>\n \n Punjab<\/strong><\/td>\n Phase 1: Punjabi Suba; Phase 2: Khalistan insurgency (1980s).<\/td>\n A. Socio-economic crisis<\/em> post-Green Rev (Gill, Puri, Pettigrew). B. Elite manipulation<\/em> (Indira\u2013Bhindranwale nexus).<\/td>\n Gurharpal Singh; Joyce Pettigrew; Paul R. Brass<\/strong><\/td>\n<\/tr>\n \n Tamil Nadu \/ Dravidian land<\/strong><\/td>\n Anti-Hindi, anti-Brahmin, call for Dravida Nadu, later robust state autonomy.<\/td>\n Ethnicised critique of \u201cnorth-Indian Brahmin\u201d nationalism.<\/td>\n Periyar (E. V. R.); C. N. Annadurai; Nesweadra Subramaniam<\/strong><\/td>\n<\/tr>\n \n Jammu & Kashmir<\/strong><\/td>\n 1947 accession contest; 1953 Sheikh dismissal; 1989 insurgency; multi-region (Jammu\/Ladakh) claims.<\/td>\n Accumulated central interference + economic distress + Pakistan dimension.<\/td>\n Balraj Puri; Sumit Ganguly (implied)<\/strong><\/td>\n<\/tr>\n \n Theoretical triptych<\/strong><\/td>\n Primordial<\/strong> (given ties) vs. Instrumentalist<\/strong> (elite mobilisation) vs. Hybrid<\/strong> (Brass: institutions channel latent cleavages).<\/td>\n Paul R. Brass; Dipankar Gupta<\/strong><\/td>\n <\/td>\n<\/tr>\n \n State tool-kit<\/strong><\/td>\n Reorganisation (1956), coercion (AFSPA), patronage, divide-and-rule.<\/td>\n Brass\u2019 \u201cunwritten rules\u201d; Selig Harrison \u2013 \u2018Dangerous Decades\u2019<\/strong><\/td>\n <\/td>\n<\/tr>\n<\/tbody>\n<\/table>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"