PSIR NotesII-B India and the WorldIndia and Latin America
Paper I · India and the World

India and Latin America

Syllabus · Paper II-B · 4 — India and the Global South : Relations with Africa and Latin America; Leadership role in the demand for NIEO and WTO negotiations.

The last frontier — why the region matters

  • Latin America has traditionally been viewed as the last frontier in India’s foreign policy, relatively neglected and overlooked.
  • Some analysts suggest that this neglect is more psychological than geographical. The region holds significant untapped potential.
Head Content
Reforming global governance Shared interest in expanding the United Nations and the UN Security Council
Support for India’s aspirations Latin American nations have supported India’s bid for a UNSC seat and played a key role in securing the Nuclear Suppliers Group waiver
Market access Approximately 630 million people with a combined GDP of about $4.9 trillion; three Latin American countries are members of the G20
Rising trade Trade grew at an annual rate of around 30 per cent from 2000 to 2014
Resource wealth Iron and lithium, central to India’s manufacturing and technological industries
Energy and food security Venezuela’s substantial oil reserves and the region’s clean energy matrices; vast fertile lands with a relatively small population, Brazil as an agricultural powerhouse
Economic complementarity Energy, natural resources, services and pharmaceuticals

Evolution of relations — and the Modi phase

  • Cold War era → engagement limited by India’s inward-looking, protectionist approach and its focus on the immediate neighbourhood; significant US influence in the region, India’s closed economy and geographical distance constrained interaction.
  • Post-Cold War re-engagement → India’s private sector re-engaged, particularly in information technology and pharmaceuticals. Participation in BASIC, IBSA and BRICS widened cooperation.
  • Institutionalized dialogue → in 2012 the first Pan-LAC summit was held in New Delhi, formalizing dialogue between India and CELAC.
  • Trade → India signed a Free Trade Agreement with MERCOSUR; Latin American countries view India as a promising market in IT, agro-business, pharmaceuticals and entertainment.
  • Technological cooperation → tele-medicine, tele-education, e-governance and space capabilities.
  • Diversification → both sides seek to diversify trade partners amid rising protectionism in the West; Latin America seeks alternative markets after the US shale gas boom.
  • Alternative to China → India’s rise is appreciated by countries concerned about China’s extractive policies, high interest rates and lack of local employment in Chinese projects.

Consolidating relations under Narendra Modi

  • Intervention has been intermittent. As Prime Minister, Narendra Modi visited Latin America only thrice; two visits were on the sidelines of the 6th BRICS summit in Brazil and the 13th G20 summit in Argentina.
  • As protests against Venezuelan President Nicolás Maduro intensified in 2019, the crisis posed a challenge; ONGC found itself in difficulty owing to delayed payment of dues by Venezuela’s PDVSA. US economic sanctions on Venezuela threatened India’s energy relations to some degree, even as India intended to develop energy relations with other states such as Mexico.
  • Traditionally, engagement has been guided by India’s role in NAM and by the idea of the ‘Global South’, which still has resonance in Latin America. President Ram Nath Kovind delivered a speech on “India and the Global South” at the University of Havana; Vice President Venkaiah Naidu · Vivek Mishra attended the NAM summit in Venezuela in 2016.

Country-wise engagement

Partner Content
Mexico Second largest economy in the region after Brazil; has shown interest in a ‘strategic partnership’. Indian enterprises see Mexico as a ‘springboard’ for access to the larger US market. India’s second largest trading partner in Latin America; bilateral trade in 2017-18 approximately US$8.30 billion. In 2016 India exported more to Mexico than to Thailand, Myanmar and Iran. Since Mexico opened its oil sector to foreign participation in 2014, New Delhi has viewed it as a source of crude and associated investment; Dharmendra Pradhan expressed interest in purchasing more crude and investing, and ONGC decided to bid for Mexican oil blocks
Brazil Both are widely regarded as ‘rising powers’; association in BRICS and IBSA supports wider cooperation. Brazil was instrumental in guiding India through negotiations for the India-MERCOSUR Preferential Trade Agreement. India’s total trade with MERCOSUR in 2017-18 was over US$10.5 billion. A Social Security Agreement was signed after the 8th BRICS summit in 2016, exempting expatriates from paying contributions twice. Energy cooperation, where potential is high, remained insignificant: after investing more than US$400 million in 2006, ONGC floated a tender in 2018 to sell its BC-10 block investment. Trade grew over 20 per cent to a little over US$11 billion in 2014-15, then slumped to just over US$8.50 billion in 2017-18
Argentina The 2019 visit of President Mauricio Macri may prove significant at a time when Argentina-China relations have grown rapidly. Both sides are exploring cooperation in defence, nuclear energy and space; the MoU on defence cooperation matters in view of Argentina’s evolving military cooperation with China
Chile, Peru & others Chile is India’s sixth largest trading partner in the region. India and Peru are deliberating a comprehensive free trade agreement, with three rounds so far. India is looking at Guatemala to join the International Solar Alliance, of which Brazil, Costa Rica, Suriname and Venezuela are members and Peru a founding member. Panama seeks to gain from ISRO, interested in a Telemetry, Tracking and Tele Command Earth station there. With Chile aboard the ISA and Bolivia interested, a new approach is forming though far from crystallised — the solar revolution in Chile and Bolivia’s lithium-based potential offer models. MoUs with Chile and Bolivia, and those signed during Venkaiah Naidu’s visits, concentrate on higher education and innovation, services-sector solutions, conventional healthcare and wellness, and knowledge sharing in civic engagement and financial inclusion; these need matching lines of credit and identified partner entities
CARICOM The Caribbean community helps India reinforce relations across the region and supports outreach to the larger Latin America. For CARICOM, relations with India and other emerging economies support regional integration and sustainable development, as complementary alternatives to shrinking traditional development cooperation. Narendra Modi emphasised partnership in capacity building, development assistance, and disaster management and resilience, announcing a USD 14 million grant for community development projects and a USD 150 million Line of Credit for solar, renewable energy and climate-change projects. He extended an invitation to a CARICOM parliamentary delegation; building contact beyond government officials — with the opposition, other political actors and state officials — widens engagement. The blue economy is a shared area under the UN Sustainable Development Goals; CARICOM also seeks cooperation in health, including complementary and alternative medicine, and is keen on India’s wellness and medical tourism sectors

Recent developments

  • High-level visits → the Presidents of Chile and Paraguay and the Prime Minister of Jamaica in 2024-25; India reciprocated with visits to Guyana, Trinidad & Tobago, Argentina and Brazil.
  • Diplomatic missions → embassies opened in Bolivia and Paraguay; Honduras and St Kitts & Nevis established missions in Delhi.
  • Trade growth → bilateral trade reached $35.7 billion in 2023-24, with both sides aiming at $100 billion by 2025. India exports pharmaceuticals, IT services and automobiles, and imports crude oil and raw materials.
  • Energy → Latin America supplies nearly 20 per cent of India’s crude oil imports, with Brazil, Colombia, Mexico and Venezuela the key contributors.
  • Indian companies → Indian IT firms employ over 40,000 locals in the region.
  • Renewable energy → India and Brazil have strengthened partnership in biofuels and solar energy; the International Solar Alliance drives shared goals.
  • Digital public infrastructure → India’s UPI payment system and vaccination databases have found resonance where governments seek to modernise governance and public service delivery.
  • Agriculture → millet cultivation in Guyana, edible-oil linkages, agro-chemical manufacturing in Argentina, Brazil, Colombia and Mexico, and agro-research tie-ups, with a focus on food security and climate-smart practices.
  • Cultural affinities → literary links running through Rabindranath Tagore, Victoria Ocampo, Cecilia Meireles and Octavio Paz have kept people-to-people connections alive.

Challenges

Challenge Content
Limited high-level engagement Successive governments have shown limited interest; the absence of high-level visits is perceived as neglect, and recent prime ministerial visits have been tied to multilateral events. Joint Commission and other bilateral dialogues are conducted at the Latin American end by the Minister of State rather than the Foreign Minister, unlike Chinese and other major-power practice
Trade imbalance and tariffs India’s trade volume stands at $42 billion against China’s $264 billion; tariff rates in India of 65 per cent against China’s 12.5 per cent create significant barriers
Insufficient investment India has invested $12 billion in the region, which needs improvement
Absence of a comprehensive policy The lack of a well-defined policy document hampers clarity and direction
Infrastructural deficiencies Limited consulate presence, absence of direct flights, lack of shipping services
Competition with China China’s trade volume is roughly tenfold higher; its scale in commodities, infrastructure finance, critical minerals and logistics crowds Indian firms out of large projects
Thin trade architecture The preferential agreements with MERCOSUR and Chile are modest; India has begun an upgrade with Chile towards a CEPA and signalled interest in expanding MERCOSUR coverage, but outcomes are pending
Concentration and logistics Trade is concentrated in a few partners and commodities (crude, ores, select manufactures), making it cyclical. Long distances, limited direct shipping and air links, and complex intra-regional connectivity add costs. Latin America does not function as a single market, pushing India towards a country-by-country approach and raising transaction costs
Small diaspora, language gaps Indian communities in continental Latin America are small, offering fewer ready commercial networks; limited Spanish and Portuguese capacity among Indian MSMEs slows market entry and after-sales support
Perception deficits A persistent perceptual distance endures. Indian businesses often overstate risks about costs, corruption and macro-instability, while many in the region still reduce India to narrow images. Limited India-focused research centres and market intelligence slow the discovery of opportunity
Under-representation of smaller nations While Brazil and Mexico have benefited, smaller nations lag behind, facing high tariff barriers and insufficient facilitation
Regional divides Not taking account of Latin America’s internal divides can cost opportunities. The balance within MERCOSUR is delicate, and existing proximity with Chile and Mexico offers safer, though smaller, footholds

Views of scholars · theory · way forward

Scholar Position
Manish Chand India must take decisive action to strengthen the relationship through deeper engagement, collaboration and mutual growth
Deepak Bhojwani Expand ties beyond economics into political and strategic dimensions. Political ties have improved since the Cold War; democratization in Latin America and India’s liberalization built connection through the communication revolution and globalization. Strategy should begin with a hard look at the current relationship, disaggregated to sub-regional and where necessary country-specific level; the lack of institutional memory on both sides calls for verification of vital facts and updated statistics. Goals, a programme and a structure for regional dialogue should follow, incorporating the India-CELAC joint statement of 2012, whose commitments largely remain on paper — even the minimal pledge of annual Foreign Ministerial meetings has not been fulfilled. The prime mover is political will: India’s trade with 54 countries in Africa, around $70 billion, is comparable with its trade with 34 countries of Latin America and the Caribbean in volume and composition, yet the attention given to Africa is far greater
V. Shivkumar Explore opportunities beyond Brazil
Shyam Saran Organise an India-Latin America summit, modelled on the India-Africa summit
R. Viswanathan The economic potential remains underexploited; India needs a standalone Latin America policy, similar to China’s focused approach. The lack of a specific policy and the irregularity of high-level visits limit the relationship
Harsh V. Pant Growing engagement provides a buffer against global volatility, in line with complex interdependence and the mutual benefit of reduced geopolitical friction
C. Raja Mohan India must engage more comprehensively, not only for resources but to shape the global order through BRICS and the G20, where Brazil and Argentina are essential partners
S. Jaishankar On his 2023 visit, emphasised India’s role as a democratic alternative, offering the region a diversified partnership beyond traditional powers
Cairo Henrique Dias Duarte · Chietigj Bajpaee India already holds a soft power presence and can benefit from its position as a third path and its untainted reputation compared with the US and China. Latin American politicians are wary of the political costs of proximity to Washington, and China’s debt diplomacy has not gone unnoticed. A tailor-made bilateral diplomacy should build on existing successful ties — Mexico in the oil sector, and the Andean countries of Chile and Peru, using Pacific entry points such as the Pacific Alliance — and extend to smaller countries from Uruguay, Bolivia and Paraguay to most of Central America, which still lack Indian diplomatic missions

Theoretical linkages

  • South–South cooperation → both regions draw on colonial legacies to act as partners, not patrons, across food security, climate finance and development funding.
  • Active non-alignment → India and many Latin American countries assert a pragmatic middle path, seen in their shared stance on the Ukraine war. This aligns with Stephen Walt’s theory of balance of threat, where both sides avoid being drawn into great power rivalries.
  • Complex interdependence → the dense web of trade, technology, energy and cultural ties reduces the potential for geopolitical conflict.

Way forward

  • Promote Latin American studies in Indian universities and facilitate student exchange; use Bollywood as soft power, given its following in the region.
  • Support private-sector engagement through incentives; maintain institutionalized dialogue and sustain its momentum; increase high-level diplomatic visits.
  • Pursue trade agreements → PTAs and FTAs with countries such as Mexico and Colombia; conclude the Chile CEPA and an expanded MERCOSUR arrangement; promote trade fairs, exhibitions and economic missions.
  • Ease logistics and standards, build Spanish and Portuguese capability, and deploy targeted finance for energy, critical minerals and agri-value chains.
  • Sectoral openings → agriculture and food value chains (agri-tech, water-efficient farming, oilseeds, pulses, processed foods); the energy transition (solar, wind, green hydrogen, grid equipment under ISA frameworks); critical minerals and industry 4.0 (lithium and copper in the Southern Cone, services-led manufacturing in Mexico and Brazil).

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