{"id":733,"date":"2026-08-01T19:12:44","date_gmt":"2026-08-01T13:42:44","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/forumias.com\/psir\/?p=733"},"modified":"2026-08-16T17:31:12","modified_gmt":"2026-08-16T12:01:12","slug":"download-psir-gs2-daily-brief-1-august-2026","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/forumias.com\/psir\/download-psir-gs2-daily-brief-1-august-2026\/","title":{"rendered":"Talks can wait but the hotline cannot, Britain changes leaders because its parties still check them, and the Ghats need consent \u2014 PSIR &#038; GS2 Brief, 1 August 2026"},"content":{"rendered":"<div class=\"bf\">\n<div class=\"bf-shell\">\n<header class=\"bf-head\">\n<p class=\"bf-stand\">Today&#8217;s brief reads three articles. Anand Kumar writes in South Asia Monitor on why India should keep communication with Pakistan while refusing talks. Debasish Roy Chowdhury asks in Scroll whether the fall of another British prime minister shows a broken democracy. Madhusudan Bandi writes in The Hindu on the Western Ghats and the order that six States have argued over for twelve years.<\/p>\n<div class=\"bf-meta\"><b>PSIR &amp; GS2 Daily Brief \u00b7 Issue 114<\/b><span class=\"d\">\u00b7<\/span>1 August 2026<span class=\"d\">\u00b7<\/span>Paper I-B, Paper II-A, Paper II-B<span class=\"d\">\u00b7<\/span>Amit Pratap Singh<\/div>\n<\/header>\n<div class=\"bf-get\"><b>Issue 114 as a PDF<\/b><span>The full brief, ready to print for your folder.<\/span><a href=\"\/psir\/wp-content\/uploads\/2026\/08\/Daily-brief-Issue-114.pdf\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener\">Download PDF<\/a><\/div>\n<section class=\"bf-item\">\n<div class=\"bf-eyebrow\">Paper II-B \u00b7 India and the World<\/div>\n<h2 class=\"bf-h2\">India can refuse talks with Pakistan and still keep the military hotline open.<\/h2>\n<div class=\"bf-src\"><b>South Asia Monitor<\/b><span class=\"d\">\u00b7<\/span>Anand Kumar<span class=\"d\">\u00b7<\/span>31 July 2026<span class=\"d\">\u00b7<\/span><a href=\"https:\/\/www.southasiamonitor.org\/geopolitics-security-and-strategic-affairs\/indias-pakistan-policy-needs-communication-not-talks\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener nofollow\">Read the article<\/a><\/div>\n<p>Anand Kumar writes on the fresh calls for India and Pakistan to talk. He does not think the conditions for talks exist. He also holds that silence between two nuclear armed neighbours is dangerous. His answer rests on a distinction. Political dialogue tries to settle disputes and make relations normal. Communication has a smaller task. It keeps a crisis from turning into war. Talks can wait, he writes. Communication cannot.<\/p>\n<h4>The record<\/h4>\n<ul>\n<li>The demand for talks came from several sides at once. Senior leaders of the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh, former military officers, Jammu and Kashmir Chief Minister Omar Abdullah, former Chief Minister Mehbooba Mufti and more than a hundred eminent citizens of both countries said that communication should not be given up altogether.<\/li>\n<li>Retired officials and strategic experts of both countries have continued Track 2 discussions in Colombo and at other places.<\/li>\n<li>India took a harder position after the Pahalgam attack of April 2025, in which 26 civilians were killed. It replied with Operation Sindoor against terrorist infrastructure across the border.<\/li>\n<li>India placed the <span class=\"bf-law\">Indus Waters Treaty<\/span> in abeyance. The treaty had survived wars, military crises and long spells of hostility for more than six decades. Water still flows into Pakistan because India cannot stop it at once. What has stopped is the working of the treaty.<\/li>\n<li>Pakistan has turned the water question into a security question. Army Chief Asim Munir said Pakistan would take all necessary measures to secure its share of water. Bilawal Bhutto Zardari, chairman of the Pakistan People&#8217;s Party, warned that an attempt to interfere with the water rights of Pakistan could lead to war.<\/li>\n<li>Pakistan faces trouble at home. The Baloch Liberation Army attacks security forces in Balochistan. Nine police personnel were killed in Ziarat district. The Tehrik-e-Taliban Pakistan remains active in several regions. Islamabad blames India for these attacks without credible evidence.<\/li>\n<li>Protests have continued in Pakistan occupied Kashmir over failures of governance, inflation, electricity shortages and political repression. There are reports of internet shutdowns, arrests of protest leaders and restrictions on food supplies.<\/li>\n<li>India has widened its pressure by other means. The National Investigation Agency has filed charges against the founder of Lashkar-e-Taiba, Hafiz Saeed, in connection with the Pahalgam attack. New Delhi is preparing to ask that Pakistan be returned to the grey list of the Financial Action Task Force.<\/li>\n<li>Kumar accepts the old argument that neighbours cannot be changed. Atal Bihari Vajpayee said it and it still holds. He answers that geography alone does not create the conditions for talks. Dialogue is a means to settle disputes and not an end in itself.<\/li>\n<li>The hotline between the Directors General of Military Operations has reduced misunderstandings even in periods of hostility. Kumar wants such channels strengthened rather than weakened.<\/li>\n<li>Former Army Chief General M. M. Naravane and senior leaders of the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh have spoken for continued contact. Kumar reads them as asking for crisis management and not for normal relations.<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<h4>The argument<\/h4>\n<p>A question on India and Pakistan is usually answered with a list of talks that failed. Use this structure instead. Separate political dialogue from crisis communication. India can refuse the first and keep the second. That single distinction carries the whole argument.<\/p>\n<p>The treaty in abeyance is the fact to carry into an answer on the Indus waters. India has held that cooperation cannot be kept apart from terrorism. Pakistan has replied by calling water a matter of survival. A technical arrangement over rivers has become a matter of strategy.<\/p>\n<p>The article also gives you a use for <span class=\"bf-term\">deterrence<\/span>. Kumar argues that communication does not weaken it. Communication steadies it, because each side can read the intentions of the other during a crisis. Write that when a question asks how two nuclear neighbours avoid war by accident.<\/p>\n<div class=\"bf-quote\">\n<p>&#8220;The present circumstances do not warrant formal bilateral talks, but they do require robust channels of communication that can prevent crises from spiralling into military confrontation.&#8221;<\/p>\n<p><cite>Anand Kumar<\/cite><\/div>\n<div class=\"bf-quote\">\n<p>&#8220;Maintaining communication does not weaken deterrence; on the contrary, it strengthens strategic stability by reducing the risks of miscalculation.&#8221;<\/p>\n<p><cite>Anand Kumar<\/cite><\/div>\n<div class=\"bf-quote\">\n<p>&#8220;Formal diplomatic talks may have to wait, but informal communication cannot.&#8221;<\/p>\n<p><cite>Anand Kumar<\/cite><\/div>\n<\/section>\n<section class=\"bf-item\">\n<div class=\"bf-eyebrow\">Paper II-A \u00b7 Comparative Politics<\/div>\n<h2 class=\"bf-h2\">Britain keeps losing prime ministers because its parties still hold them to account.<\/h2>\n<div class=\"bf-src\"><b>Scroll.in<\/b><span class=\"d\">\u00b7<\/span>Debasish Roy Chowdhury<span class=\"d\">\u00b7<\/span>26 July 2026<span class=\"d\">\u00b7<\/span><a href=\"https:\/\/scroll.in\/article\/1094554\/does-britains-political-volatility-reflect-a-broken-democracy-compared-to-indias-stability\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener nofollow\">Read the article<\/a><\/div>\n<p>Debasish Roy Chowdhury writes on the latest change of prime minister in Britain. Many read that change as proof of a broken democracy. He asks a question before that one. When did stability become the measure of a democracy? Regimes that allow no real competition are better at providing stability. He then sets Britain beside India. In Britain the party and the cabinet still restrain the leader. In India, he argues, they no longer do.<\/p>\n<h4>The record<\/h4>\n<ul>\n<li>Britain has had seven prime ministers in ten years. Keir Starmer resigned and made way for Andy Burnham, a fellow Labour leader. Support for Labour, which won a landslide two years ago, had fallen away.<\/li>\n<li>The Economist asked whether British politics is broken. Four years earlier openDemocracy wrote that Boris Johnson had quit but the democracy of Britain was still broken. Der Spiegel of Germany compared Downing Street to a transit station.<\/li>\n<li><span class=\"bf-sch\">Adam Przeworski<\/span> called democracy a system of organised uncertainty. Roy Chowdhury builds on that. In a democracy the result of the contest is not known in advance. Where there is no uncertainty, the contest itself has been taken away.<\/li>\n<li>The V-Dem Institute in Sweden classifies India as an electoral autocracy.<\/li>\n<li>In a cabinet system the prime minister is not the master. He is the first among equals, or primus inter pares, and the cabinet works on collective responsibility.<\/li>\n<li>The party in office is not only a vehicle for power. It is also the first check on the way that power is used. Party revolts in Britain have unseated prime ministers through the past decade.<\/li>\n<li><span class=\"bf-sch\">Peter Mair<\/span> wrote Ruling the Void: The Hollowing of Western Democracy. He argued that parties have lost their distinct ideas, that loyalty to them has weakened, and that people have withdrawn from political life.<\/li>\n<li>Labour and the Conservatives look alike to more voters than before. By early this year 25 per cent of Labour voters said the two had become similar. Just after the election of 2024 the figure was 13 per cent. Voters have moved to Reform and to the Greens.<\/li>\n<li>Roy Chowdhury holds that Indian parties cannot question their own leaders. They are run by small groups, they lack inner democracy, and they have no cadre held together by ideas.<\/li>\n<li>In New Delhi a movement of students and activists has grown over several weeks. Roy Chowdhury calls it a Gen Z movement. It began online and spread across the country. It forced the government to concede its main demand, which was the resignation of the education minister over a scandal of examination paper leaks.<\/li>\n<li>The contrast is his conclusion. In India a movement across the whole country was needed to remove one minister. In Britain the result of a bye-election was enough to remove a prime minister.<\/li>\n<li>The article first appeared on the website of the Toda Peace Institute. Roy Chowdhury is a journalist and researcher in Hong Kong and a co-author of To Kill A Democracy: India&#8217;s Passage to Despotism.<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<h4>The argument<\/h4>\n<p>This is the article for the 2025 question that pairs the decline of democracies with the revolt of voters against them. Roy Chowdhury separates the stability of a government from the health of a democracy. Britain is unstable and answerable. Other systems are stable and closed. The paradox in the question dissolves once those two measures are kept apart.<\/p>\n<p>It is also a question about parties. Paper II asks about political parties in comparative perspective. Here the party is an institution of internal control. It chooses the leader and it can remove him. Where the party has no inner life, that check is gone and only the voter is left.<\/p>\n<p>Keep the claims attributed. The description of India as an electoral autocracy belongs to the V-Dem Institute. The reading of the Indian cabinet, courts and parties is the argument of the author. Name whose judgment it is and the answer stays defensible.<\/p>\n<div class=\"bf-quote\">\n<p>&#8220;After all, when did stability become a marker of democratic quality?&#8221;<\/p>\n<p><cite>Debasish Roy Chowdhury<\/cite><\/div>\n<div class=\"bf-quote\">\n<p>&#8220;It took a nationwide movement to dislodge a low-level minister in India. In Britain, a bye-election result was enough to send a prime minister packing.&#8221;<\/p>\n<p><cite>Debasish Roy Chowdhury<\/cite><\/div>\n<\/section>\n<section class=\"bf-item\">\n<div class=\"bf-eyebrow\">Paper I-B \u00b7 Indian Government and Politics<\/div>\n<h2 class=\"bf-h2\">Twelve years of draft notifications have failed because the people who live in the Ghats were never asked.<\/h2>\n<div class=\"bf-src\"><b>The Hindu<\/b><span class=\"d\">\u00b7<\/span>Madhusudan Bandi<span class=\"d\">\u00b7<\/span>1 August 2026<span class=\"d\">\u00b7<\/span><a href=\"https:\/\/www.thehindu.com\/opinion\/op-ed\/western-ghats-conservation-with-science-and-dialogue\/article71291675.ece\" target=\"_blank\" rel=\"noopener nofollow\">Read the article<\/a><\/div>\n<p>Madhusudan Bandi writes on the <span class=\"bf-term\">Ecologically Sensitive Area<\/span> proposed for the Western Ghats. The order has been drafted again and again since 2014. The States have not agreed to it. Bandi teaches at the Gujarat Institute of Development Research and has studied villages in the Karnataka hills. His case is that the science is not the problem. The method is. Residents told him that no committee had come to their villages, and that satellite images had taken the place of a visit.<\/p>\n<h4>The record<\/h4>\n<ul>\n<li>The Western Ghats run through six coastal States. They hold 39 biodiversity hotspot areas, among them national parks, reserved forests and wildlife sanctuaries that UNESCO declared World Heritage Sites in 2012.<\/li>\n<li>The Western Ghats Ecology Expert Panel was set up in 2010 under Madhav Gadgil. It recommended that 142 talukas across 44 districts be declared an Ecologically Sensitive Area, divided into three Ecologically Sensitive Zones. Once notified under the <span class=\"bf-law\">Environment Protection Act, 1986<\/span>, the declaration would carry legal force and regulate human activity.<\/li>\n<li>Local and political opposition followed. In 2012 the central government set up a high level working group under Krishnaswamy Kasturirangan to review the panel. It limited the restrictions on economic activity and livelihoods to ecologically sensitive natural areas. It cut the area covered to 37 per cent of the Western Ghats.<\/li>\n<li>The Ministry of Environment, Forest and Climate Change issued the first draft notification in 2014. In 2022 it set up an expert panel under Sanjay Kumar, a former Director General of Forests, to examine what the States objected to.<\/li>\n<li>Gujarat and Goa appear to have agreed to the notification being finalised. Maharashtra has asked for a fresh review. Talks with Karnataka, Kerala and Tamil Nadu continue. A clause in the draft notification of 2024 makes a phased rollout, or a State by State finalisation, possible.<\/li>\n<li>Five draft notifications were issued between 2015 and 2026 without agreement between the Centre and the States. The last of them expired in July 2026, and the Ministry has extended the tenure of the expert panel by another year.<\/li>\n<li>Karnataka has 10 districts in the Western Ghats and 23.4 per cent of the population of the State lives in them. About 20,668 square kilometres there have been identified for the Ecologically Sensitive Area. The State has opposed the proposal whichever party has governed it, citing farming, plantations, mining and the building of infrastructure.<\/li>\n<li>Bandi studied villages near 10 World Heritage Sites in Chikkamagaluru, Kodagu, Shivamogga and Udupi, and near three other sites in Uttara Kannada and Udupi. These included the Kali Tiger Reserve, the Mundigekere Bird Sanctuary and the Mookambika Wildlife Sanctuary.<\/li>\n<li>Near the Kali Tiger Reserve and Kudremukh National Park some residents had accepted rehabilitation packages or were considering them. Those who refused to move felt they would have to go in the end, because their villages were emptying.<\/li>\n<li>Even villages that hold forest rights face restrictions on the collection of minor forest produce and on farming. Claims to forest rights by residents who are not tribals have been rejected, including in a village near the Balahalli Reserved Forest that is at least 150 years old.<\/li>\n<li>Local officials and some village communities supported control of harmful activity such as stone quarrying and unplanned tourism, including proposals for ropeways through the forest.<\/li>\n<li>Many residents believe that buffer zones reach 10 kilometres from the core areas, and they fear eviction. Stakeholders in every district studied objected to the use of satellite imagery to mark the area. They held that it cannot tell plantation crops such as arecanut, shade grown coffee, rubber and coconut from forest cover. They also said that no committee had visited their villages.<\/li>\n<li>Bandi asks that indigenous communities living deep inside the forests be kept within the Ecologically Sensitive Area rather than moved out. He writes that their absence puts biocultural diversity at risk.<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<h4>The argument<\/h4>\n<p>Paper I asks about environmental movements and about environmental governance in India. This article is the governance half of that answer. The scientific case was made by the Gadgil panel in 2010 and narrowed by the Kasturirangan group in 2012. What has not been settled since is consent.<\/p>\n<p>It is also a federalism answer. The notification is issued by a Union Ministry, yet the States have decided its fate since 2014. Karnataka has refused it under governments of different parties. Use it as an example of a policy that the Centre can write and cannot carry out alone. Bandi still holds that ecology does not stop at a State boundary, so delay has its own cost.<\/p>\n<p>The third use is rights. Villages that hold forest rights still face limits on minor forest produce. Long standing residents who are not tribals have had their claims rejected. Bandi wants people who live inside the forest counted as part of the protection and not as a threat to it.<\/p>\n<div class=\"bf-quote\">\n<p>&#8220;In this context, Karnataka&#8217;s case requires an empathetic approach that addresses genuine stakeholder concerns before a final decision is taken.&#8221;<\/p>\n<p><cite>Madhusudan Bandi<\/cite><\/div>\n<div class=\"bf-quote\">\n<p>&#8220;Conservation efforts cannot be indefinitely delayed as it will result in States losing their control in such areas; ecological systems transcend administrative boundaries.&#8221;<\/p>\n<p><cite>Madhusudan Bandi<\/cite><\/div>\n<div class=\"bf-quote\">\n<p>&#8220;Their presence serves as a bridge between forests and mainstream society, while their absence risks the loss of biocultural diversity.&#8221;<\/p>\n<p><cite>Madhusudan Bandi<\/cite><\/div>\n<\/section>\n<section class=\"bf-syl\">\n<h3>Where this belongs in your syllabus<\/h3>\n<p class=\"s\">Open the note and read the full topic.<\/p>\n<div class=\"bf-chips\"><a class=\"bf-chip\" href=\"\/psir\/notes\/india-and-south-asia-the-neighbours\/\">India and South Asia \u2014 the neighbours<\/a><a class=\"bf-chip\" href=\"\/psir\/notes\/terrorism\/\">Terrorism<\/a><a class=\"bf-chip\" href=\"\/psir\/notes\/river-water-disputes\/\">River water disputes<\/a><a class=\"bf-chip\" href=\"\/psir\/notes\/balance-of-power-and-deterrence\/\">Balance of power and deterrence<\/a><a class=\"bf-chip\" href=\"\/psir\/notes\/determinants-of-foreign-policy\/\">Determinants of foreign policy<\/a><a class=\"bf-chip\" href=\"\/psir\/notes\/continuity-and-change-in-indian-foreign-policy\/\">Continuity and change in Indian foreign policy<\/a><a class=\"bf-chip\" href=\"\/psir\/notes\/india-and-the-nuclear-question\/\">India and the Nuclear Question<\/a><a class=\"bf-chip\" href=\"\/psir\/notes\/political-parties-in-comparative-perspective\/\">Political parties in comparative perspective<\/a><a class=\"bf-chip\" href=\"\/psir\/notes\/democracy-as-a-global-concern\/\">Democracy as a global concern<\/a><a class=\"bf-chip\" href=\"\/psir\/notes\/classical-and-contemporary-theories-of-democracy\/\">Classical and contemporary theories of democracy<\/a><a class=\"bf-chip\" href=\"\/psir\/notes\/parliamentary-system\/\">Parliamentary System<\/a><a class=\"bf-chip\" href=\"\/psir\/notes\/social-movements-in-comparative-perspective\/\">Social movements in comparative perspective<\/a><a class=\"bf-chip\" href=\"\/psir\/notes\/environmentalist-movements\/\">Environmentalist movements<\/a><a class=\"bf-chip\" href=\"\/psir\/notes\/environment\/\">Environment<\/a><a class=\"bf-chip\" href=\"\/psir\/notes\/changing-nature-of-centre-state-relations\/\">Changing nature of centre-state relations<\/a><a class=\"bf-chip\" href=\"\/psir\/notes\/constitutional-provisions-on-federalism\/\">Constitutional provisions on federalism<\/a><\/div>\n<\/section>\n<section class=\"bf-q\">\n<h3>The questions this feeds<\/h3>\n<p class=\"s\">Questions from earlier years that today&#8217;s reading speaks to. Where the answer is written, the red link opens it. The full set is in the <a href=\"\/psir\/pyq-vault\/\">PYQ Vault<\/a>.<\/p>\n<ol>\n<li><b>PSIR Paper II \u00b7 2025 \u00b7 20m<\/b>The world currently has been in the throes of a twin process of &#x27;democratic backsliding&#x27; and &#x27;democratic backlash&#x27;. How would you explain this paradox?<a class=\"ans\" href=\"\/psir\/psir-pyq\/the-world-currently-has-been-in-the-throes-of-a-twin-process-of-upsc-psir-2025-3711\/\">Answer<\/a><\/li>\n<li><b>PSIR Paper II \u00b7 2025 \u00b7 20m<\/b>India&#x27;s reluctance to perceive any &#x27;existential threat&#x27; inevitably made the multilateral path to nuclear security a &#x27;default option&#x27; until it decided to cross the nuclear Rubicon in 1998. Identify and analyze some of the major reasons behind this shift in India&#x27;s position on the nuclear question.<a class=\"ans\" href=\"\/psir\/psir-pyq\/indias-reluctance-to-perceive-any-existential-threat-inevitably-upsc-psir-2025-5008\/\">Answer<\/a><\/li>\n<li><b>PSIR Paper II \u00b7 2024 \u00b7 15m<\/b>Critically examine the role of political parties in sustaining and stabilising democracies in the developing societies.<a class=\"ans\" href=\"\/psir\/psir-pyq\/critically-examine-the-role-of-political-parties-in-sustaining-upsc-psir-2024-2911\/\">Answer<\/a><\/li>\n<li><b>PSIR Paper I \u00b7 2024 \u00b7 20m<\/b>Discuss the role of environmental movements in shaping the environmental governance in India.<a class=\"ans\" href=\"\/psir\/psir-pyq\/discuss-the-role-of-environmental-movements-in-shaping-the-upsc-psir-2024-2608\/\">Answer<\/a><\/li>\n<li><b>PSIR Paper I \u00b7 2023 \u00b7 20m<\/b>Does the actual working of Indian federalism conform to the centralizing tendencies in Indian polity? Give reasons.<a class=\"ans\" href=\"\/psir\/psir-pyq\/does-the-actual-working-of-indian-federalism-conform-to-the-upsc-psir-2023-2210\/\">Answer<\/a><\/li>\n<li><b>PSIR Paper II \u00b7 2023 \u00b7 20m<\/b>&quot;India&#x27;s Nuclear policy is deeply influenced by its cultural beliefs and the pragmatic approach of its foreign policy.&quot; Discuss.<a class=\"ans\" href=\"\/psir\/psir-pyq\/indias-nuclear-policy-is-deeply-influenced-by-its-cultural-upsc-psir-2023-4807\/\">Answer<\/a><\/li>\n<\/ol>\n<\/section>\n<div class=\"bf-foot\">A new brief on every working day. Facts and quotes are taken from the articles named above.<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"<p>Anand Kumar writes in South Asia Monitor that India should refuse political talks with Pakistan and still keep the channels that prevent a crisis from becoming a war. Debasish Roy Chowdhury writes in Scroll that Britain is losing prime ministers because its parties still hold them to account, and that stability is not a measure of democratic health. Madhusudan Bandi writes in The Hindu on the Ecologically Sensitive Area for the Western Ghats, which five draft notifications have failed to settle because the people who live in the hills were never asked.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":735,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"jetpack_post_was_ever_published":false,"_jetpack_newsletter_access":"","_jetpack_dont_email_post_to_subs":false,"_jetpack_newsletter_tier_id":0,"_jetpack_memberships_contains_paywalled_content":false,"fx_brief_v2":"1","fx_brief_issue":"114","_jetpack_memberships_contains_paid_content":false,"footnotes":""},"categories":[28],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-733","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-psir-gs-2-daily-brief"],"jetpack_featured_media_url":"https:\/\/forumias.com\/psir\/wp-content\/uploads\/2026\/08\/WhatsApp-Image-2026-08-01-at-3.07.13-PM.jpeg","jetpack_sharing_enabled":true,"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/forumias.com\/psir\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/733","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/forumias.com\/psir\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/forumias.com\/psir\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/forumias.com\/psir\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/1"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/forumias.com\/psir\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=733"}],"version-history":[{"count":3,"href":"https:\/\/forumias.com\/psir\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/733\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":5070,"href":"https:\/\/forumias.com\/psir\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/733\/revisions\/5070"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/forumias.com\/psir\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/735"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/forumias.com\/psir\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=733"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/forumias.com\/psir\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=733"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/forumias.com\/psir\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=733"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}