{"id":3508,"date":"2026-08-11T22:11:30","date_gmt":"2026-08-11T16:41:30","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/forumias.com\/psir\/notes\/election-commission\/"},"modified":"2026-08-11T23:01:37","modified_gmt":"2026-08-11T17:31:37","slug":"election-commission","status":"publish","type":"psir_note","link":"https:\/\/forumias.com\/psir\/notes\/election-commission\/","title":{"rendered":"Election Commission"},"content":{"rendered":"<div class=\"n-wrap\">\n<div class=\"n-shell\">\n<div class=\"n-crumb\"><a href=\"\/psir\/psir-notes\/\">PSIR Notes<\/a><span class=\"sep\">\u203a<\/span><a href=\"\/psir\/psir-notes\/#i-b\">I-B Indian Government and Politics<\/a><span class=\"sep\">\u203a<\/span><span>Election Commission<\/span><\/div>\n<header class=\"n-head\">\n<div class=\"n-eyebrow\">Paper I \u00b7 Indian Government and Politics<\/div>\n<h1 class=\"n-title\">Election Commission<\/h1>\n<div class=\"n-syl\"><b>Syllabus \u00b7 Paper I-B \u00b7 6<\/b> \u2014 Statutory Institutions\/Commissions : <span class=\"cur\">Election Commission<\/span>, Comptroller and Auditor General, Finance Commission, Union Public Service Commission, National Commission for Scheduled Castes, National Commission for Scheduled Tribes, National Commission for Women; National Human Rights Commission, National Commission for Minorities, National Backward Classes Commission.<\/div>\n<\/header>\n<div class=\"n-grid\">\n  <main class=\"n-body\"><\/p>\n<h3 id=\"constitutional-statutory-executive-bodies\">Constitutional, Statutory &amp; Executive Bodies<\/h3>\n<p>Indian democracy runs on more than legislature, executive and judiciary. A second tier of independent bodies regulates elections, audits finance, supervises recruitment, protects rights and advises on fiscal transfers. <span class=\"n-sch\">Gautam Bhatia<\/span> groups them as <span class=\"n-term\">fourth branch institutions<\/span> \u2014 not substitutes for elected government, but the machinery that limits arbitrariness and builds specialised accountability.<\/p>\n<p><span class=\"n-term\">Four functions every commission performs:<\/span> Regulation \u2014 elections, recruitment, finance, rights \u00b7 Oversight \u2014 checking misuse of power \u00b7 Investigation \u2014 complaints, violations, maladministration \u00b7 Policy advice \u2014 reforms, safeguards, devolution, welfare<\/p>\n<p><span class=\"n-term\">Three sources of authority \u2014 and why it decides everything about an answer<\/span><\/p>\n<div class=\"n-tw\">\n<table>\n<thead>\n<tr>\n<th>Source<\/th>\n<th>Bodies<\/th>\n<\/tr>\n<\/thead>\n<tbody>\n<tr>\n<td><span class=\"n-lab\">CONSTITUTIONAL<\/span> \u2014 created by the Constitution<\/td>\n<td>ECI \u00b7 CAG \u00b7 Finance Comm. \u00b7 UPSC \u00b7 NCSC \u00b7 NCST \u00b7 NCBC<\/td>\n<\/tr>\n<tr>\n<td><span class=\"n-lab\">STATUTORY<\/span> \u2014 created by an Act<\/td>\n<td>NHRC (1993) \u00b7 NCW (1990) \u00b7 NCM (1992)<\/td>\n<\/tr>\n<tr>\n<td><span class=\"n-lab\">EXECUTIVE ORDER<\/span> \u2014 neither Constitution nor statute<\/td>\n<td>NITI Aayog<\/td>\n<\/tr>\n<\/tbody>\n<\/table>\n<\/div>\n<p><em>Stronger source \u2192 stronger insulation. Constitutional bodies enjoy fixed tenure, charged-or-protected service conditions and removal safeguards; statutory bodies stay more vulnerable because powers, finances and appointments depend more directly on government.<\/em><\/p>\n<div class=\"n-tw\">\n<table>\n<thead>\n<tr>\n<th>Body<\/th>\n<th>Source<\/th>\n<th>Anchor<\/th>\n<\/tr>\n<\/thead>\n<tbody>\n<tr>\n<td><span class=\"n-term\">Election Commission<\/span><\/td>\n<td>Constitutional<\/td>\n<td><span class=\"n-law\">Article 324<\/span><\/td>\n<\/tr>\n<tr>\n<td><span class=\"n-term\">CAG<\/span><\/td>\n<td>Constitutional<\/td>\n<td><span class=\"n-law\">Articles 148\u2013151<\/span><\/td>\n<\/tr>\n<tr>\n<td><span class=\"n-term\">Finance Commission<\/span><\/td>\n<td>Constitutional<\/td>\n<td><span class=\"n-law\">Article 280<\/span><\/td>\n<\/tr>\n<tr>\n<td><span class=\"n-term\">UPSC<\/span><\/td>\n<td>Constitutional<\/td>\n<td><span class=\"n-law\">Article 315<\/span><\/td>\n<\/tr>\n<tr>\n<td><span class=\"n-term\">NCSC \/ NCST \/ NCBC<\/span><\/td>\n<td>Constitutional<\/td>\n<td><span class=\"n-law\">Articles 338<\/span> \/ 338A \/ 338B<\/td>\n<\/tr>\n<tr>\n<td><span class=\"n-term\">NHRC<\/span><\/td>\n<td>Statutory<\/td>\n<td>Protection of <span class=\"n-law\">Human Rights Act, 1993<\/span><\/td>\n<\/tr>\n<tr>\n<td><span class=\"n-term\">NCW<\/span><\/td>\n<td>Statutory<\/td>\n<td>National Commission for <span class=\"n-law\">Women Act, 1990<\/span><\/td>\n<\/tr>\n<tr>\n<td><span class=\"n-term\">NCM<\/span><\/td>\n<td>Statutory<\/td>\n<td>National Commission for <span class=\"n-law\">Minorities Act, 1992<\/span><\/td>\n<\/tr>\n<\/tbody>\n<\/table>\n<\/div>\n<p><span class=\"n-term\">Accountability \u2014 the framework to argue with<\/span><\/p>\n<p>The chapter\u2019s analytical position: a commission\u2019s capacity to hold government accountable turns on three variables \u2014 <span class=\"n-term\">autonomy<\/span>, <span class=\"n-term\">mandate<\/span> and the <span class=\"n-term\">extent to which recommendations are implemented<\/span>. Comparative reference points the chapter uses: the US Federal Reserve and SEC (independence from political pressure as the test of effectiveness); the UK\u2019s National Audit Office and Independent Office for Police Conduct (specialised oversight, but needing continual reform); Brazil\u2019s Public Ministry and Federal Police (anti-corruption muscle, repeatedly tested by controversy).<\/p>\n<p><span class=\"n-term\">Common challenges \u2014 the shared diagnosis (write these as the structural critique)<\/span><\/p>\n<ul>\n<li>politicised appointments;<\/li>\n<li>weak financial autonomy;<\/li>\n<li>non-binding recommendations;<\/li>\n<li>delay in tabling reports;<\/li>\n<li>staff shortage;<\/li>\n<li>dependence on ministries;<\/li>\n<li>overlapping jurisdiction;<\/li>\n<li>weak public awareness;<\/li>\n<li>limited legislative follow-up;<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<h3 id=\"election-commission-of-india\">Election Commission of India<\/h3>\n<p><em><span class=\"n-law\">Article 324<\/span> \u00b7 the referee of representative democracy<\/em><\/p>\n<p>Periodic elections are a core condition of democracy \u2014 the Supreme Court has read democracy into the <span class=\"n-term\">basic structure<\/span> (<span class=\"n-term\">Kesavananda Bharati<\/span>, <span class=\"n-law\">Indira Nehru Gandhi v. Raj Narain<\/span>, <span class=\"n-term\">Minerva Mills<\/span>). The ECI holds <span class=\"n-term\">superintendence, direction and control<\/span> of elections to Parliament, State legislatures and the offices of President and Vice-President.<\/p>\n<p><span class=\"n-sch\">Durga Das Basu:<\/span> the Constitution provides an independent body \u2014 the Election Commission, <span class=\"n-law\">Article 324<\/span> \u2014 to supervise the entire machinery for elections and ancillary matters.<\/p>\n<p><span class=\"n-term\">Composition \u00b7 appointment \u00b7 removal<\/span><\/p>\n<ul>\n<li>Established <span class=\"n-term\">25 January 1950<\/span>; single-member, then multi-member from 1989; 1993 law stabilised it.<\/li>\n<li><span class=\"n-law\">T.N. Seshan v. Union of India<\/span> \u2192 ECs equal in status and power to the CEC.<\/li>\n<li>Now: CEC + two ECs; decisions by majority.<\/li>\n<li>Appointed by President; tenure 6 years or age 65.<\/li>\n<li>Status = Supreme Court judge.<\/li>\n<li>Removal: CEC like a SC judge; other ECs only on CEC\u2019s recommendation.<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<p><span class=\"n-sch\">Subhash Kashyap<\/span>: the multi-member structure is a safeguard against arbitrary decision-making.<\/p>\n<p><span class=\"n-term\">Constitutional provisions \u2014 Part XV<\/span><\/p>\n<div class=\"n-tw\">\n<table>\n<thead>\n<tr>\n<th><\/th>\n<th><\/th>\n<\/tr>\n<\/thead>\n<tbody>\n<tr>\n<td><span class=\"n-term\">324<\/span><\/td>\n<td>superintendence, direction, control<\/td>\n<\/tr>\n<tr>\n<td><span class=\"n-term\">325<\/span><\/td>\n<td>one general roll; no exclusion by religion\/race\/caste\/sex<\/td>\n<\/tr>\n<tr>\n<td><span class=\"n-term\">326<\/span><\/td>\n<td>adult suffrage<\/td>\n<\/tr>\n<tr>\n<td><span class=\"n-term\">327<\/span><\/td>\n<td>Parliament\u2019s power on elections<\/td>\n<\/tr>\n<tr>\n<td><span class=\"n-term\">328<\/span><\/td>\n<td>State legislature\u2019s power<\/td>\n<\/tr>\n<tr>\n<td><span class=\"n-term\">329<\/span><\/td>\n<td>bar on court interference except by election petition<\/td>\n<\/tr>\n<\/tbody>\n<\/table>\n<\/div>\n<blockquote class=\"n-quote\">\n<p><em>The ECI is perhaps the envy of the world \u2014 one institution that has drawn many compliments, largely due to the reforms of T.N. Seshan, who put in place rules that reduced human discretion to the minimum and so eliminated fear: commissioners only had to follow the rules and need not bother about pressure from any political party.<\/em><\/p>\n<p><cite>Justice K.M. Joseph<\/cite><\/p><\/blockquote>\n<p><span class=\"n-term\">The powers of the ECI fall into three baskets<\/span><\/p>\n<div class=\"n-tw\">\n<table>\n<thead>\n<tr>\n<th>Basket<\/th>\n<th>Content<\/th>\n<\/tr>\n<\/thead>\n<tbody>\n<tr>\n<td><span class=\"n-term\">ADMINISTRATIVE<\/span><\/td>\n<td>rolls \u00b7 schedules \u00b7 nominations \u00b7 recognise parties \u00b7 symbols \u00b7 expenditure limits \u00b7 exit\/opinion polls \u00b7 Model Code \u00b7 countermand polls \u00b7 voter education<\/td>\n<\/tr>\n<tr>\n<td><span class=\"n-term\">ADVISORY<\/span><\/td>\n<td>advises President \/ Governors on MP &amp; MLA disqualification \u00b7 feasibility of polls under President\u2019s Rule<\/td>\n<\/tr>\n<tr>\n<td><span class=\"n-term\">QUASI-JUDICIAL<\/span><\/td>\n<td>party-recognition &amp; symbol disputes \u00b7 disqualify for non-filing of expense accounts<\/td>\n<\/tr>\n<\/tbody>\n<\/table>\n<\/div>\n<p><span class=\"n-law\">ECI v. Mohd. Abdul Ghani<\/span>: the Commission cannot alter boundaries\/area\/extent of any constituency fixed by a Delimitation Order. <span class=\"n-term\">N.P. Ponnuswami<\/span>: \u201celection\u201d covers the whole process; disputes handled post-poll by petition (Art. 329(b)). <span class=\"n-term\">Mohinder Singh Gill<\/span>: Art. 324 powers are wide but not unrestrained \u2014 bound by law, rule of law and natural justice. <span class=\"n-term\">K. Ganesan<\/span> warns that claiming extraordinary Art. 324 powers in matters already covered by law is dangerous.<\/p>\n<p><span class=\"n-term\">Legal framework for free &amp; fair elections<\/span><\/p>\n<div class=\"n-tw\">\n<table>\n<thead>\n<tr>\n<th><\/th>\n<th><\/th>\n<\/tr>\n<\/thead>\n<tbody>\n<tr>\n<td><span class=\"n-term\">RPA, 1950<\/span><\/td>\n<td>constituencies, seat allocation, electoral rolls, voter qualification<\/td>\n<\/tr>\n<tr>\n<td><span class=\"n-term\">RPA, 1951<\/span><\/td>\n<td>conduct of elections, dis\/qualifications, offences, party registration, disputes<\/td>\n<\/tr>\n<tr>\n<td><span class=\"n-term\">Reg. of Electors Rules, 1960<\/span><\/td>\n<td>roll preparation, registration, identity cards<\/td>\n<\/tr>\n<tr>\n<td><span class=\"n-term\">Conduct of Election Rules, 1961<\/span><\/td>\n<td>notifications, nomination, scrutiny, polling, counting<\/td>\n<\/tr>\n<tr>\n<td><span class=\"n-term\">Anti-Defection Law, 1985<\/span><\/td>\n<td><span class=\"n-law\">Tenth Schedule<\/span>; defection of legislators<\/td>\n<\/tr>\n<\/tbody>\n<\/table>\n<\/div>\n<p><span class=\"n-term\">Model Code of Conduct<\/span><\/p>\n<ul>\n<li>From the 1971 Lok Sabha polls; <span class=\"n-term\">not a statute<\/span> \u2014 persuasive, moral force.<\/li>\n<li>Regulates campaign conduct, use of official machinery, hate speech, ruling-party announcements.<\/li>\n<li>Criticism: weak legal backing, uneven enforcement, allegations of delay\/partisanship.<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<blockquote class=\"n-quote\">\n<p><span class=\"n-lab\">UPSC 2008<\/span> \u2014 Revision in the Election Code of Conduct \u2014 revise for social media, paid news, micro-targeting; preserve flexibility while improving speed &amp; uniformity.<\/p>\n<\/blockquote>\n<p><span class=\"n-sch\">Ashutosh Varshney<\/span> on strict enforcement.<\/p>\n<p><span class=\"n-term\">Modernisation of electoral management<\/span><\/p>\n<ul>\n<li><span class=\"n-lab\">EVMs<\/span> \u2014 trialled Kerala 1982; nationwide 2004.<\/li>\n<li><span class=\"n-lab\">EPIC<\/span> \u2014 1993, mandatory 2004.<\/li>\n<li><span class=\"n-lab\">VVPAT<\/span> \u2014 2014; <span class=\"n-term\">NOTA<\/span> \u2014 2014.<\/li>\n<li><span class=\"n-lab\">SVEEP<\/span> \u2014 voter education, 2009.<\/li>\n<li>ECI website \u2014 28 Feb 1998; rolls computerised from 1998.<\/li>\n<li><span class=\"n-lab\">Remote Voting Machine<\/span> \u2014 prototype for migrants; one booth up to 72 constituencies.<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<p><span class=\"n-term\">Simultaneous elections \u2014 \u2018One Nation, One Election\u2019<\/span><\/p>\n<p>Trail of references: <span class=\"n-term\">ECI Annual Report 1983<\/span> \u00b7 <span class=\"n-term\">Law Commission 170th Report, 1999<\/span> (Justice B.P. Jeevan Reddy) \u00b7 <span class=\"n-term\">Parliamentary Standing Committee 79th Report, 2015<\/span> \u00b7 <span class=\"n-term\">NITI Aayog 2017<\/span> \u00b7 <span class=\"n-term\">Kovind Committee<\/span> (LS + Assemblies together \u2192 local bodies within 100 days \u00b7 single roll &amp; ID \u00b7 fresh polls for remaining term on hung House).<\/p>\n<div class=\"n-tw\">\n<table>\n<thead>\n<tr>\n<th>For<\/th>\n<th>Against<\/th>\n<\/tr>\n<\/thead>\n<tbody>\n<tr>\n<td>fewer MCC disruptions; lower cost; governance focus; turnout<\/td>\n<td>weakens federalism; state issues drowned; Arts. 85 &amp; 174 problems; hurts regional parties<\/td>\n<\/tr>\n<\/tbody>\n<\/table>\n<\/div>\n<p><span class=\"n-sch\">Madhav Khosla<\/span> (<em>India\u2019s Founding Moment<\/em>) discusses the constitutional and political difficulty of simultaneous polls in a federal structure.<\/p>\n<p><span class=\"n-term\">Criminalisation of politics<\/span><\/p>\n<p><span class=\"n-sch\">Milan Vaishnav<\/span> (<em>When Crime Pays<\/em>) links it to expensive elections, weak rule of law, voter preference for \u201cstrongmen\u201d, identity mobilisation and party dependence on money &amp; muscle. Judicial spine: <span class=\"n-term\">ADR, 2002<\/span> (disclose assets\/cases) \u2192 <span class=\"n-term\">Ramesh Dalal, 2005<\/span> \u2192 <span class=\"n-term\">Lily Thomas, 2013<\/span> (convicted MPs\/MLAs disqualified) \u2192 <span class=\"n-term\">Lok Prahari<\/span> (mismatch in assets investigated). Committees: <span class=\"n-term\">Dinesh Goswami<\/span>, <span class=\"n-term\">Vohra<\/span>, <span class=\"n-term\">Indrajit Gupta<\/span>, Law Commission 170th; plus fast-track courts, affidavits, flying squads.<\/p>\n<p><span class=\"n-term\">Appointment debate &amp; reform (live issue \u2014 2025 PYQ)<\/span><\/p>\n<p><span class=\"n-term\">The pivot point \u2014 B.R. Ambedkar:<\/span> there is no provision in the Constitution to prevent the appointment of either a fool or a knave or a person likely to be under the thumb of the Executive.<\/p>\n<ul>\n<li><span class=\"n-law\">Anoop Baranwal v. Union of India, 2023<\/span> \u2192 interim selection committee of PM + LoP + CJI until Parliament legislates.<\/li>\n<li><span class=\"n-term\">CEC and <span class=\"n-law\">Other ECs Act, 2023<\/span><\/span> \u2192 Selection Committee = PM + LoP (Lok Sabha) + a Union Cabinet Minister nominated by PM (CJI dropped \u2192 executive-majority concern).<\/li>\n<li>Reforms: equal constitutional protection for all ECs; senior-most EC elevated as CEC by convention; independent secretariat; expenditure charged on Consolidated Fund; power to deregister parties; legal backing for MCC in select areas.<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<p><span class=\"n-term\">Scholar shelf for ECI essays:<\/span> <span class=\"n-sch\">Alistair McMillan<\/span> (among the world\u2019s most powerful, trusted electoral regulators) \u00b7 <span class=\"n-sch\">S.Y. Quraishi<\/span> (<em>An Undocumented Wonder<\/em>) \u00b7 <span class=\"n-sch\">Sunil Khilnani<\/span> (elections carry \u201cthe entire society\u2019s aspirations\u201d, the \u201csole bridge between state and society\u201d) \u00b7 <span class=\"n-sch\">Peter Ronald deSouza<\/span> (\u201cmeans to the end of a vibrant representative democracy\u201d) \u00b7 <span class=\"n-term\">Lloyd &amp; Susanne Rudolph<\/span> (\u201cbulwark for free and fair elections\u201d) \u00b7 <span class=\"n-sch\">Yogendra Yadav<\/span> (the <span class=\"n-term\">Third Electoral System<\/span>; mobilisation exceeding institutionalisation) \u00b7 <span class=\"n-term\">David Gilmartin &amp; Robert Moog<\/span> (the ECI \u201cnationalised\u201d elections) \u00b7 the reformer line \u2014 <span class=\"n-term\">Seshan<\/span> \u00b7 <span class=\"n-sch\">M.S. Gill<\/span> \u00b7 <span class=\"n-term\">J.M. Lyngdoh<\/span> \u00b7 <span class=\"n-sch\">T.S. Krishna Murthy<\/span>.<\/p>\n<div class=\"n-pyq\"><span class=\"n-pyq-chip\">UPSC 2020 \u00b7 20m<\/span><span class=\"n-pyq-q\">\u00b7 <strong>UPSC 2021 \u00b7 20m<\/strong> \u00b7 <strong>UPSC 2025 \u00b7 15m<\/strong> \u2014 status &amp; role of ECI \u00b7 electoral-democracy success \u00b7 the appointment-procedure debate.<\/span><\/div>\n<h3 id=\"overall-assessment-conclusion\">Overall Assessment &amp; Conclusion<\/h3>\n<p><em>the synthesis to land every answer<\/em><\/p>\n<p>Independent commissions convert constitutional <em>values<\/em> into working <em>institutions<\/em>. Map each to the value it protects:<\/p>\n<div class=\"n-tw\">\n<table>\n<thead>\n<tr>\n<th>Value<\/th>\n<th>Guardian institution<\/th>\n<\/tr>\n<\/thead>\n<tbody>\n<tr>\n<td><span class=\"n-term\">Procedural democracy<\/span><\/td>\n<td>Election Commission \u2014 electoral competition &amp; voter confidence<\/td>\n<\/tr>\n<tr>\n<td><span class=\"n-term\">Financial accountability<\/span><\/td>\n<td>CAG \u2014 makes the executive answerable for public funds<\/td>\n<\/tr>\n<tr>\n<td><span class=\"n-term\">Fiscal federalism<\/span><\/td>\n<td>Finance Commission \u2014 balances Centre\u2013State finances<\/td>\n<\/tr>\n<tr>\n<td><span class=\"n-term\">Merit &amp; neutrality<\/span><\/td>\n<td>UPSC \u2014 protects recruitment from patronage<\/td>\n<\/tr>\n<tr>\n<td><span class=\"n-term\">Social justice<\/span><\/td>\n<td>NCSC \u00b7 NCST \u00b7 NCBC \u2014 safeguards for disadvantaged groups<\/td>\n<\/tr>\n<tr>\n<td><span class=\"n-term\">Rights protection<\/span><\/td>\n<td>NHRC \u00b7 NCM \u00b7 NCW \u2014 grievance redressal &amp; policy pressure<\/td>\n<\/tr>\n<\/tbody>\n<\/table>\n<\/div>\n<p><span class=\"n-term\">The one line that ties the chapter together:<\/span> the common weakness is not absence of mandate but weak implementation. Many bodies have civil-court powers yet no power to enforce outcomes; many submit reports yet depend on government and legislatures for action; many are designed as watchdogs yet stay vulnerable to appointment politics, staff shortage and financial dependence. They become meaningful when <span class=\"n-term\">autonomy + resources + transparent appointments + public reporting + parliamentary follow-up<\/span> work together \u2014 without these, advisory institutions; with them, instruments of constitutionalism, accountability and social justice.<\/p>\n<div class=\"n-next\"><span><\/span><a class=\"r\" href=\"\/psir\/notes\/comptroller-and-auditor-general\/\"><em>Next<\/em><b>Comptroller and Auditor General<\/b><\/a><\/div>\n<p><\/main><\/p>\n<aside class=\"n-rail\">\n<h4>On this page<\/h4>\n<p><a href=\"#constitutional-statutory-executive-bodies\">Constitutional, Statutory &amp; Executive Bodies<\/a><a href=\"#election-commission-of-india\">Election Commission of India<\/a><a href=\"#overall-assessment-conclusion\">Overall Assessment &amp; Conclusion<\/a><\/aside>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"<p>Election Commission for the UPSC PSIR optional \u2014 PSIR Notes \u203a I-B Indian Government and Politics \u203a Election Commission Paper I \u00b7 Indian Government and Politics Election Commission <\/p>\n","protected":false},"template":"","meta":{"jetpack_post_was_ever_published":false,"fx_note_key":"I-B.6.1","fx_note_sec":"I-B","fx_note_point":"6","fx_note_desc":"Election Commission for the UPSC PSIR optional \u2014 PSIR Notes \u203a I-B Indian Government and Politics \u203a Election Commission Paper I \u00b7 Indian Government and Politics Election Commission ","footnotes":""},"class_list":["post-3508","psir_note","type-psir_note","status-publish","hentry"],"jetpack_sharing_enabled":true,"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/forumias.com\/psir\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/psir_note\/3508","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/forumias.com\/psir\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/psir_note"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/forumias.com\/psir\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/psir_note"}],"version-history":[{"count":1,"href":"https:\/\/forumias.com\/psir\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/psir_note\/3508\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":3701,"href":"https:\/\/forumias.com\/psir\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/psir_note\/3508\/revisions\/3701"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/forumias.com\/psir\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=3508"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}