{"id":3528,"date":"2026-08-11T22:11:37","date_gmt":"2026-08-11T16:41:37","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/forumias.com\/psir\/notes\/ethnicity-in-indian-politics\/"},"modified":"2026-08-11T23:01:53","modified_gmt":"2026-08-11T17:31:53","slug":"ethnicity-in-indian-politics","status":"publish","type":"psir_note","link":"https:\/\/forumias.com\/psir\/notes\/ethnicity-in-indian-politics\/","title":{"rendered":"Ethnicity in Indian politics"},"content":{"rendered":"
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PSIR Notes<\/a>\u203a<\/span>I-B Indian Government and Politics<\/a>\u203a<\/span>Ethnicity in Indian politics<\/span><\/div>\n
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Paper I \u00b7 Indian Government and Politics<\/div>\n

Ethnicity in Indian politics<\/h1>\n
Syllabus \u00b7 Paper I-B \u00b7 9<\/b> \u2014 Caste, Religion and Ethnicity in Indian Politics<\/span>.<\/div>\n<\/header>\n
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Ethnicity, Regionalism & National Integration<\/h3>\n

Meaning & Approaches<\/h4>\n

Ethnicity<\/span> = group consciousness based on common descent, language, religion, history, territory, culture, tribe, caste and shared memory.<\/p>\n

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Max Weber<\/span> \u2014 ethnic groups are \u201cthose human groups that share a subjective belief about their common descent because of similarities of physical type or of customs or both, or because of memories of colonization and migration; this belief must be important for the propagation of group formation; conversely, it does not matter whether or not an objective blood relationship exists\u201d.<\/p>\n<\/blockquote>\n

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  • Paul R. Brass<\/span> \u2192 ethnic and communal mobilizations are closely connected.<\/li>\n
  • Dipankar Gupta<\/span> \u2192 ethnicity refers to the nation-state, territory and sovereignty; communalism targets government policies without necessarily questioning state loyalty.<\/li>\n
  • Donald Horowitz<\/span> \u2192 broad definition \u2014 conflicts on ascriptive identities (race, language, religion, tribe, caste) count as ethnic.<\/li>\n
  • Ashutosh Varshney<\/span> \u2192 ethnic conflict = conflict between contending ethnic groups fighting for their position in society.<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n
    \n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n
    Approach<\/th>\nClaim<\/th>\n<\/tr>\n<\/thead>\n
    Primordial<\/span><\/td>\nEthnic identities are inherited and given; conflict is natural when groups differ.<\/td>\n<\/tr>\n
    Instrumentalist<\/span><\/td>\nIdentities are created \/ manipulated by elites \u2014 politicians, religious leaders, teachers \u2014 for power.<\/td>\n<\/tr>\n
    Hybrid<\/span><\/td>\nLoyalties exist but need political conditions to become conflict. Key question: why<\/em> do people respond to elite manipulation?<\/td>\n<\/tr>\n<\/tbody>\n<\/table>\n<\/div>\n

    Anthony D. Smith<\/span> stresses deep historical-cultural roots. Hamza Alavi<\/span> sees ethnic categories as attempts at mobilization and manipulation. James Manor<\/span> argues Indians have fluid, overlapping identities that prevent permanent fault lines. Atul Kohli<\/span> holds ethnic politics is expected in a multicultural democracy and that democratic accommodation is the best response.<\/p>\n

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    \u201cThe manifestation of ethnicity in Indian politics is not so much an outcome of popular grassroots passions as it is a creation of vested political interests.\u201d<\/p>\n

    S. D. Muni<\/cite><\/p><\/blockquote>\n

    Manifestations & State Response<\/h4>\n

    Ethnic assertion \u2014 escalation ladder & how the state responds.<\/span> Autonomy<\/span> (within the Union) \u2192 Secession<\/span> (separate nation) \u2192 Insurgency<\/span> (armed struggle) \u2192 Riots \/ conflict<\/span> (on identity markers). Forms 1\u20133 link to self-determination movements. Brass on India\u2019s method: secession rejected outright \u00b7 religiously framed demands less tolerated \u00b7 linguistic \/ developmental demands more easily accommodated \u00b7 demands gain attention when broadly supported \u00b7 affected groups\u2019 views considered.<\/em><\/p>\n

    State toolkit: coercion, accommodation, divide-and-rule, patronage, state reorganization, constitutional safeguards, peace accords, development packages, security measures. Selig S. Harrison<\/span> called the first decades after Independence the \u201cmost dangerous decades\u201d<\/span> for linguistic and communal conflict. Examples: Punjabi Suba accepted once Haryana also demanded a Hindi-speaking area; linguistic reorganization accommodated many demands; the North-East was reorganized through statehood and autonomy.<\/p>\n

    North-East India<\/h4>\n

    Eight states \u2014 Assam, Arunachal Pradesh, Manipur, Meghalaya, Mizoram, Nagaland, Sikkim, Tripura \u2014 with many ethnic groups, tribes, languages and religions; strategically placed near Bhutan, Myanmar, Bangladesh and China; rich in oil, coal, gas, minerals, forests and the Brahmaputra system. The Second Administrative Reforms Commission<\/span> notes a long cycle of violent conflicts.<\/p>\n

    \n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n
    State<\/th>\nConflict<\/th>\n<\/tr>\n<\/thead>\n
    Nagaland<\/td>\nDemand for a sovereign Nagaland; Naga insurgents rejected the Constitution and boycotted the 1952 elections; NSCN emerged as a major insurgent formation.<\/td>\n<\/tr>\n
    Assam<\/td>\nULFA, anti-migrant politics, Bodoland and Karbi Anglong demands.<\/td>\n<\/tr>\n
    Bodos<\/td>\nDemand for Bodoland; conflict with other communities.<\/td>\n<\/tr>\n
    Manipur<\/td>\nTensions among Meiteis, Nagas and Kukis.<\/td>\n<\/tr>\n
    Mizoram<\/td>\nMizo insurgency; Mizo-Chakma and Mizo-Bru tensions.<\/td>\n<\/tr>\n
    Tripura<\/td>\nConflict between indigenous tribes and Bengali migrants.<\/td>\n<\/tr>\n
    Arunachal<\/td>\nTensions around the Chakma community and local tribes.<\/td>\n<\/tr>\n<\/tbody>\n<\/table>\n<\/div>\n

    Modernization \/ Nation-building<\/span> \u2014 S. K. Chaube, V. B. Singh, B. G. Verghese, Myron Weiner, Hiren Gohain<\/p>\n

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    • tension between modern & traditional leadership,<\/li>\n
    • rising aspirations of new middle classes,<\/li>\n
    • development gaps & unmet expectations.<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n

      Federation-building<\/span> \u2014 Sanjib Baruah, Sajal Nag, Udayan Sharma, Sanjay Hazarika, M. P. Bezbaruah, Urmila Phadnis<\/p>\n

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      • nation-state building ignored smaller communities,<\/li>\n
      • centralization violated autonomy,<\/li>\n
      • rights violations deepened alienation.<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n

        Sanjib Baruah<\/span> (In the Name of the Nation<\/em>): the postcolonial state retained colonial security devices; the Sixth Schedule<\/span> and small states were used to manage<\/em> the region; AFSPA deepened alienation; militarization produced \u201cotherness\u201d<\/span>; democracy often became a tool of legitimacy rather than genuine integration. His prescription \u2014 shift from \u201cnation-state building\u201d<\/span> to \u201cgenuine federation-building\u201d<\/span>.<\/p>\n

        Government measures:<\/span> Sixth Schedule<\/span> ADCs \u00b7 Article 371<\/span> \u00b7 North Eastern Council \u00b7 MDoNER \u00b7 Act East \u00b7 Assam & Mizo Accords \u00b7 statehood \u00b7 security + development + rehabilitation<\/p>\n

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        UPSC 2018 \u00b7 15 marks<\/span><\/p>\n

        Critically examine the ethnic conflicts in North-East India.<\/cite><\/p><\/blockquote>\n

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        UPSC 2022 \u00b7 20 marks<\/span> \u2014 Ethnicity is the underlying cause which poses a great challenge in the resolution of the problems in the North-East region of India. Comment.<\/p>\n<\/blockquote>\n

        Tamil Nadu & Dravidian Politics<\/h4>\n

        Ethnic politics around language, region, caste and anti-Brahminism. E. V. Ramaswamy Naicker (Periyar) attacked Indian nationalism as rooted in Hindu religion \/ Brahminism, imposing Hindi over Dravidian languages and sustaining high-caste dominance; C. N. Annadurai argued for Dravida Nadu against North Indian high-caste domination. Narendra Subramanian<\/span> notes Dravidian parties were among the first to challenge Congress at the state level with relatively less violence. DMK and AIADMK abandoned full secession but kept Tamil identity, anti-Hindi politics, social justice, regional autonomy and an anti-caste rationalist heritage.<\/p>\n

        Punjab & Sikh Homeland<\/h4>\n

        Punjabi Suba movement:<\/span> Akali Dal demanded a Punjabi-speaking state; Master Tara Singh gave it a religious basis, Sant Fateh Singh a socio-economic one; Baldev Raj Nayar<\/span> notes the Akalis\u2019 constitutional, infiltration and agitational strategies. Khalistan phase:<\/span> the 1980s saw the demand for an independent Khalistan; Sant Jarnail Singh Bhindranwale became central; Operation Blue Star, Indira Gandhi\u2019s assassination and anti-Sikh violence deepened the crisis.<\/p>\n

        Socio-economic explanation<\/span> \u2014 Sucha Singh Gill, K. C. Singhal, Harish Kumar Puri, Joyce Pettigrew, M. S. Dhami, Javeed Alam, Gurharpal Singh<\/p>\n

        Green Revolution changes, unemployment, crisis of Sikh identity, consumerist modernity vs traditional values.<\/p>\n

        Political manipulation<\/span> \u2014 Paul R. Brass<\/p>\n

        Socio-economic explanations are reductionist; stresses strategic manipulation of religion and grievance \u2014 Indira Gandhi\u2019s engagement with Bhindranwale to weaken the Akali Dal backfired.<\/p>\n

        Jammu & Kashmir<\/h4>\n

        Shaped by geography, history, religion, regional diversity and external intervention. Historical: Maharaja Hari Singh initially wanted independence; Sheikh Abdullah initially supported accession; Articles 370 and 35A<\/span> gave special constitutional status; Sheikh Abdullah\u2019s arrest in 1953 created long-term distrust; autonomy demands also came from Jammu and Ladakh; Pakistan-backed insurgency in the 1980s turned the conflict violent. Balraj Puri<\/span>\u2019s causes: central interference reducing autonomy, derailing of democracy, unemployment, deteriorating economy, denial of regional autonomy to Jammu and Ladakh, lack of legitimate opposition, and use of armed forces instead of political dialogue.<\/p>\n

        Post-2019.<\/span> Abrogation of Article 370<\/span> on August 5, 2019<\/span> changed J&K\u2019s constitutional relationship with India: removal of special status \u00b7 legal integration with the Union \u00b7 end of Article 35A<\/span> \u00b7 bifurcation into Union Territories \u00b7 greater centralization \u00b7 political reorganization \u00b7 security restrictions \u00b7 civil-rights debate \u00b7 focus on development and investment (tourism, handicrafts, agriculture, IT) \u00b7 changing role of regional parties (National Conference, People\u2019s Democratic Party, which historically articulated regional autonomy and identity).<\/p>\n

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        UPSC 2025 \u00b7 10 marks<\/span> \u2014 Delineate the key factors that have shaped the evolving political landscape in Jammu and Kashmir post 2019.<\/p>\n<\/blockquote>\n

        Relative Deprivation & Ethnic Conflict<\/h4>\n

        Relative deprivation = the perception that a group is unfairly disadvantaged compared with others \u2014 arising when groups compare expected with actual status, resources with other groups, rights with others\u2019 privileges, recognition with humiliation.<\/p>\n

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        Ted Robert Gurr<\/span> \u2014 relative deprivation is \u201cthe tension that develops from a discrepancy between the \u2018ought\u2019 and the \u2018is\u2019 of collective value satisfaction, and this disposes men to violence\u201d.<\/p>\n<\/blockquote>\n

        Examples:<\/span> North-East insurgencies in Assam and Nagaland (perceived neglect, weak development, lack of recognition); Dalit movements (deprivation vs upper castes); Jat and Patidar agitations (declining agrarian income, job competition); the Bodo movement (language, land, institutional exclusion); Telangana (deprivation within a larger state); Jammu & Kashmir (autonomy, identity, representation). Yogendra Yadav<\/span> notes dominant agrarian castes seek reservations when they fear loss of status; Gopal Guru<\/span> links Dalit mobilization with long-standing exclusion; Charles Tilly<\/span> argues nation-state building can exclude and subordinate ethnic groups.<\/p>\n

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        UPSC 2024 \u00b7 10 marks<\/span> \u2014 \u201cRelative deprivation is a major source of ethnic conflict.\u201d Elaborate the statement with relevant examples.<\/p>\n<\/blockquote>\n

        Regionalism & Federal Accommodation<\/h4>\n

        Regionalism = mobilization around territory, culture, development and local identity. Paul R. Brass<\/span> holds regionalism is a long-term trend while nationalism has often been short-term in Indian politics. Movements range from autonomy \u2192 separate statehood \u2192 special status \u2192 resource control \u2192 language recognition \u2192 protection from outsiders \u2192 secession. Gurharpal Singh<\/span> divides them into movements from core<\/em> regions (Maharashtra, Andhra Pradesh) and from peripheries<\/em> (Nagaland).<\/p>\n

        Explanations:<\/span> modernization \u00b7 democracy awakens tradition \u00b7 uneven development \u00b7 Telangana, Vidarbha \u00b7 sons-of-the-soil \u00b7 Shiv Sena, AGP \u00b7 cultural anxiety \u00b7 fear of assimilation \u00b7 development deficit<\/p>\n

        Prema Singh<\/span> argues regional solidarity can support welfare and development \u2014 strong regional identities in South India helped better bargaining and development. The Sarkaria and Punchhi Commissions support democratic decentralization as a way to manage regional aspirations. Atul Kohli<\/span> warns that mishandled regional movements can turn secessionist, as in Punjab and Jammu & Kashmir.<\/p>\n

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        UPSC 2016 \u00b7 10 marks<\/span> \u2014 Cultural and Regional differences are the enduring bases on which politics is played out in India.<\/p>\n<\/blockquote>\n

        Assessment<\/h4>\n

        Ethnicity is not merely a threat \u2014 it is also a demand for recognition. India has often managed ethnic conflict better than many postcolonial states; the danger rises when accommodation is delayed and coercion becomes excessive. The solution is more democracy, not less<\/span> \u2014 power-sharing, autonomy, inclusive growth, decentralization, cultural recognition and federal trust.<\/p>\n

        Regionalism & Federalism<\/h3>\n

        Frame.<\/span> Regionalism is challenge and<\/span> strength \u2014 negative<\/span> when exclusionary\/secessionist; democratic<\/span> when it articulates neglected aspirations.<\/p>\n

        \n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n\n
        Form<\/th>\nScholar lens<\/th>\n<\/tr>\n<\/thead>\n
        Linguistic \/ cultural<\/span><\/td>\nLloyd<\/span> & Susanne Rudolph<\/span> \u2014 linguistic reorganisation addressed regional aspirations (Tamil identity).<\/td>\n<\/tr>\n
        Political<\/span><\/td>\nRajni Kothari<\/span> \u2014 regional parties essential to accommodate diverse interests; Subrata K. Mitra<\/span> \u2014 they shape coalitions (Shiv Sena, Dravidian parties, Akali Dal).<\/td>\n<\/tr>\n
        Economic<\/span><\/td>\nAshutosh Varshney<\/span> \u2014 disparities link to regional tension; Dipankar Gupta<\/span> \u2014 regionalism from backwardness & deprivation.<\/td>\n<\/tr>\n
        Cultural \/ administrative<\/span><\/td>\nSuhas Palshikar<\/span> \u2014 languages, identities, cultural expressions; Myron Weiner<\/span> \u2014 federalism both accommodates & creates tension; Paul R. Brass<\/span> \u2014 response to perceived neglect.<\/td>\n<\/tr>\n<\/tbody>\n<\/table>\n<\/div>\n

        Assessment:<\/span> regionalism can democratise power, correct neglect, strengthen representation, deepen bargaining, reduce secession by giving constitutional space \u2014 dangerous only when linked to violence, exclusion, short-term electoralism, or left unmanaged by institutions.<\/p>\n

        Previous<\/em>Religion in Indian politics<\/b><\/a><\/span><\/div>\n

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