{"id":3554,"date":"2026-08-11T22:11:56","date_gmt":"2026-08-11T16:41:56","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/forumias.com\/psir\/notes\/transnational-actors-and-collective-security\/"},"modified":"2026-08-12T02:57:33","modified_gmt":"2026-08-11T21:27:33","slug":"transnational-actors-and-collective-security","status":"publish","type":"psir_note","link":"https:\/\/forumias.com\/psir\/notes\/transnational-actors-and-collective-security\/","title":{"rendered":"Transnational actors and collective security"},"content":{"rendered":"<div class=\"n-wrap\">\n<div class=\"n-shell\">\n<div class=\"n-crumb\"><a href=\"\/psir\/psir-notes\/\">PSIR Notes<\/a><span class=\"sep\">\u203a<\/span><a href=\"\/psir\/psir-notes\/#ii-a\">II-A Comparative Political Analysis and International Politics<\/a><span class=\"sep\">\u203a<\/span><span>Transnational actors and collective security<\/span><\/div>\n<header class=\"n-head\">\n<div class=\"n-eyebrow\">Paper I \u00b7 Comparative Political Analysis and International Politics<\/div>\n<h1 class=\"n-title\">Transnational actors and collective security<\/h1>\n<div class=\"n-syl\"><b>Syllabus \u00b7 Paper II-A \u00b7 6<\/b> \u2014 Key Concepts in International Relations : National interest, security and power; Balance of power and deterrence; Transational actors and collective security; World capitalist economy and globalisation.<\/div>\n<\/header>\n<div class=\"n-grid\">\n  <main class=\"n-body\"><\/p>\n<h3 id=\"complex-interdependence\">Complex Interdependence<\/h3>\n<ul>\n<li>Introduced by <span class=\"n-sch\">Robert Keohane<\/span> and <span class=\"n-sch\">Joseph Nye<\/span> in the 1970s as a neoliberal critique of realism.<\/li>\n<li>Three features \u2192 <span class=\"n-term\">multiple channels<\/span> between societies; <span class=\"n-term\">absence of a hierarchy of issues<\/span> (no automatic primacy of military matters); <span class=\"n-term\">decline of military force<\/span> as a usable instrument.<\/li>\n<li>Implication \u2192 less use of force and more interdependence raise the probability of cooperation, and elevate transnational non-state actors.<\/li>\n<li><span class=\"n-sch\">John Burton<\/span>\u2019s <span class=\"n-term\">cobweb model<\/span> similarly recognises transnational actors.<\/li>\n<li>Criticism \u2192 questionable in the post-colonial world; it assumes growth is intrinsic to all states; it still treats states as rational; it downplays military issues. <span class=\"n-term\">Mearsheimer<\/span> \u2192 institutions merely reflect the distribution of power.<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<div class=\"n-pyq\"><span class=\"n-pyq-chip\">UPSC 2021 \u00b7 15m<\/span><span class=\"n-pyq-q\">What is \u2018complex interdependence\u2019? Discuss the role of transnational actors in the international system.<\/span><\/div>\n<h3 id=\"transnational-actors\">Transnational Actors<\/h3>\n<blockquote class=\"n-quote\">\n<p><span class=\"n-sch\">Markus Thiel<\/span> Political, social, cultural and economic agents with trans-societal relations across borders, pursuing goals somewhat independently of governments.<\/p>\n<\/blockquote>\n<ul>\n<li>Types \u2192 MNCs and TNCs; NGOs; terrorist and criminal organisations; religious groups; diasporas; ethnic groups; IOs (World Bank, IMF, UNESCO); advocacy networks; epistemic communities.<\/li>\n<li>Mechanism \u2192 strategic engagement with domestic actors to build \u201cwinning coalitions\u201d for new norms. Functions \u2192 norm development, agenda-setting, policy implementation, rule enforcement, conferring legitimacy.<\/li>\n<li><span class=\"n-sch\">J.A. Scholte<\/span> \u2192 they have forced states into <span class=\"n-term\">post-sovereign governance<\/span> (the Basel Committee, OECD frameworks, FATF) to fill the regulatory void.<\/li>\n<li><span class=\"n-sch\">Robert Cooper<\/span> \u2192 in Europe, states have become \u201cpostmodern states\u201d within security communities.<\/li>\n<li>Formal inclusion \u2192 the ILO and the EU as exceptional cases; the Cardoso Report and the Global Compact (<span class=\"n-sch\">Kofi Annan<\/span>) deepening engagement.<\/li>\n<li>Contemporary examples \u2192 the Taliban and Hamas gaining recognition; NGOs (Doctors Without Borders, Amnesty International) in Syria, Myanmar and Ukraine; MNCs (Google, Amazon, Apple) shaping tax and labour policy.<\/li>\n<li>The democratic claim \u2192 they speak for those affected by global decisions who otherwise lack a voice.<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<blockquote class=\"n-quote\">\n<p><em>\u201cWe cannot even start theorizing about the contemporary world system without taking their influence into account.\u201d<\/em><\/p>\n<p><cite>Thomas Risse<\/cite><\/p><\/blockquote>\n<div class=\"n-pyq\"><span class=\"n-pyq-chip\">UPSC 2025 \u00b7 15m<\/span><span class=\"n-pyq-q\">Transnational actors have qualitatively transformed the world by the way of their fresh insights and actions. Illustrate your answer with suitable examples.<\/span><a class=\"n-pyq-a\" href=\"\/psir\/psir-pyq\/transnational-actors-have-qualitatively-transformed-the-world-by-upsc-psir-2025-3209\/\">Answer<\/a><\/div>\n<h3 id=\"multinational-corporations\">Multinational Corporations<\/h3>\n<ul>\n<li>Origins \u2192 the colonial trading companies (the East India Company); a strong modern presence propelled by globalisation. UNCTAD 2010 \u2192 about 82,000 MNCs \/ TNCs, up from around 7,000 in the 1970s; roughly 90% based in the developed world.<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<div class=\"n-tw\">\n<table>\n<thead>\n<tr>\n<th>A new road to growth<\/th>\n<th>Or a machine of underdevelopment<\/th>\n<\/tr>\n<\/thead>\n<tbody>\n<tr>\n<td><span class=\"n-sch\">Milton Friedman<\/span> and the Chicago School, <span class=\"n-sch\">Jagdish Bhagwati<\/span> \u2192 knowledge economies, FDI, employment, material welfare; India\u2019s services sector.<\/td>\n<td>Neocolonialism \u2192 <span class=\"n-sch\">Andre Gunder Frank<\/span>\u2019s \u201cdevelopment of underdevelopment\u201d; <span class=\"n-sch\">Gunnar Myrdal<\/span>\u2019s \u201cbackwash effect\u201d; the NIEO demand of the 1970s; private armies in Latin America.<\/td>\n<\/tr>\n<tr>\n<td><span class=\"n-sch\">Thomas Friedman<\/span>\u2019s \u201cGolden Arches\u201d and \u201cDell\u201d theories of globalisation.<\/td>\n<td><span class=\"n-sch\">Thomas Piketty<\/span> \u2192 widening inequality; sweatshops in Bangladesh.<\/td>\n<\/tr>\n<\/tbody>\n<\/table>\n<\/div>\n<ul>\n<li><span class=\"n-sch\">Joseph Nye<\/span> (\u201cMNCs: The Game and the Rule\u201d) \u2192 MNCs exert direct, indirect and unintended pressure on governments; states lose control over currency and foreign trade; transfer mispricing, trade misinvoicing and treaty shopping produce <span class=\"n-term\">extraterritoriality<\/span>.<\/li>\n<li><span class=\"n-sch\">Joseph Stiglitz<\/span> (<em>Globalization and Its Discontents<\/em>) \u2192 MNCs limit the political sovereignty of developing states; <span class=\"n-sch\">Immanuel Wallerstein<\/span>\u2019s core\u2013periphery; <span class=\"n-sch\">Edward Said<\/span> (<em>Orientalism<\/em>) on Northern cultural hegemony eroding indigenous identity \u2014 against which <span class=\"n-sch\">Arjun Appadurai<\/span> sets cultural hybridisation, or <span class=\"n-term\">glocalisation<\/span>.<\/li>\n<li>Governance response \u2192 post-sovereign governance and global re-regulation (Basel, OECD). Stiglitz\u2019s own conclusion \u2192 a fairer globalisation, and reform of the democratic deficit in the World Bank and the WTO.<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<div class=\"n-pyq\"><span class=\"n-pyq-chip\">UPSC 2018 \u00b7 15m<\/span><span class=\"n-pyq-q\">Some feel Multinational Corporations (MNCs) are a vital new road to economic growth, whereas others feel they perpetuate underdevelopment. Discuss.<\/span><a class=\"n-pyq-a\" href=\"\/psir\/psir-pyq\/some-feel-multinational-corporations-mncs-are-a-vital-new-road-to-upsc-psir-2013-3206\/\">Answer<\/a><\/div>\n<h3 id=\"non-governmental-organisations\">Non-Governmental Organisations<\/h3>\n<ul>\n<li>Voluntary, independent, democratically structured bodies operating across sectors.<\/li>\n<li><span class=\"n-sch\">P.J. Simmons<\/span> (\u201cLearning to Live with NGOs\u201d) \u2192 NGOs shape domestic and foreign policy by setting agendas, negotiating outcomes and conferring legitimacy \u2014 and are sometimes seen by China, Russia and India as agents of Western governments; aid agencies bypass governments.<\/li>\n<li>Roles \u2192 social change, education for marginalised groups, gender equality and women\u2019s empowerment (SEWA, Sathin, Eklavya, Disha); humanitarian work (Doctors Without Borders, Amnesty International).<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<h3 id=\"the-crisis-of-the-nation-state\">The Crisis of the Nation-State<\/h3>\n<ul>\n<li>Nation-states are squeezed by subnational, transnational and supranational forces.<\/li>\n<li><span class=\"n-term\">Internal<\/span> \u2192 militancy, secession, non-recognition of identity, regional discrimination \u2014 the breakup of Yugoslavia.<\/li>\n<li><span class=\"n-term\">External<\/span> \u2192 globalisation and regionalisation make issues multinational; MNCs (<span class=\"n-sch\">Joseph Nye<\/span>) and NGOs (<span class=\"n-sch\">P.J. Simmons<\/span>) apply pressure; states are forced to collaborate to re-regulate climate, terrorism and finance. Terrorist groups create a security dilemma and distort domestic policy \u2014 attacks deter FDI.<\/li>\n<li><span class=\"n-term\">Hyperglobalists<\/span> question the state\u2019s relevance altogether.<\/li>\n<li>Counterpoint \u2192 <span class=\"n-sch\">Barry Buzan<\/span>: despite a reduced economic role, the state remains the principal security provider \u2014 the only organisation with both the capacity to act and the authority to define a security threat. The realist rejoinder \u2192 the state is still the only true apparatus against terrorism and violence.<\/li>\n<li>Verdict \u2192 the modern state is transformed and constrained, reshaped rather than dissolved.<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<div class=\"n-pyq\"><span class=\"n-pyq-chip\">UPSC 2016 \u00b7 10m<\/span><span class=\"n-pyq-q\">A combination of internal pressures (ethnic and regional forces) and external threats (EU, UN, TNC, global market, etc.) has produced what is commonly referred to as a \u2018crisis of the nation-state\u2019. Elaborate.<\/span><a class=\"n-pyq-a\" href=\"\/psir\/psir-pyq\/a-combination-of-internal-pressures-ethnic-and-regional-forces-upsc-psir-2016-3203\/\">Answer<\/a><\/div>\n<div class=\"n-pyq\"><span class=\"n-pyq-chip\">UPSC 2017 \u00b7 15m<\/span><span class=\"n-pyq-q\">Discuss the changing nature of the modern state with reference to transnational actors.<\/span><a class=\"n-pyq-a\" href=\"\/psir\/psir-pyq\/discuss-the-changing-nature-of-modern-state-with-reference-to-upsc-psir-2017-3204\/\">Answer<\/a><\/div>\n<h3 id=\"views-of-the-schools\">Views of the Schools<\/h3>\n<div class=\"n-tw\">\n<table>\n<thead>\n<tr>\n<th>School<\/th>\n<th>Reading of the transnational actor<\/th>\n<\/tr>\n<\/thead>\n<tbody>\n<tr>\n<td><span class=\"n-term\">Realists<\/span><\/td>\n<td>No significant role \u2192 even MNCs and terrorist groups are state-sponsored.<\/td>\n<\/tr>\n<tr>\n<td><span class=\"n-term\">Liberals<\/span><\/td>\n<td>Agents of development, modernisation, peace and stability. <span class=\"n-sch\">John Burton<\/span>, <span class=\"n-sch\">Keohane<\/span> and <span class=\"n-sch\">Nye<\/span> built them into the cobweb and complex-interdependence models.<\/td>\n<\/tr>\n<tr>\n<td><span class=\"n-term\">Feminists<\/span><\/td>\n<td>MNC policies adversely affect women.<\/td>\n<\/tr>\n<\/tbody>\n<\/table>\n<\/div>\n<p><span class=\"n-term\"><em>Noam Chomsky<\/em>* criticised the USA as promoting terrorist organisations. <\/span>John Lewis Gaddis*<em> likened the end of the Cold War to \u201ckilling a python and giving rise to many poisonous snakes.\u201d<\/em><\/p>\n<h3 id=\"collective-security-meaning-elements-origins\">Collective Security \u2014 Meaning, Elements, Origins<\/h3>\n<blockquote class=\"n-quote\">\n<p><span class=\"n-term\">The principle<\/span> A system in which the security of one is the concern of all \u2192 \u201csecurity of one is security of all\u201d; \u201cone for all and all for one.\u201d Aggression is checked by <span class=\"n-term\">overwhelming force<\/span>, not by mere equilibrium<\/p>\n<p><cite>cooperative, not competitive.<\/cite><\/p><\/blockquote>\n<ul>\n<li>Three elements \u2192 an agreed decision-making procedure (a treaty); explicit renunciation of war except in self-defence; a pledge to support any victim of attack.<\/li>\n<li>An \u201cinstitutionalised form of balance of power\u201d \u2192 for liberals, better than the balance of power.<\/li>\n<li>Definitions \u2192 <span class=\"n-sch\">Morgenthau<\/span> (\u201cone for all and all for one is the watchword\u201d); <span class=\"n-sch\">Georg Schwarzenberger<\/span> (\u201ca machinery for joint action\u2026 against any attack against an established international order\u201d); <span class=\"n-sch\">F.H. Hartmann<\/span> (\u201ca mutual insurance plan against aggression anywhere and everywhere\u201d); <span class=\"n-term\">Palmer and Perkins<\/span>.<\/li>\n<li>Origins \u2192 <span class=\"n-sch\">Cardinal Richelieu<\/span>\u2019s 1629 scheme; <span class=\"n-sch\">Immanuel Kant<\/span>\u2019s <em>Perpetual Peace<\/em> (1795) \u2014 a league of nations to control conflict; the Concert of Europe after the Napoleonic Wars; the first Geneva (1864) and Hague (1899, 1907) Conventions; <span class=\"n-law\">Article 10<\/span> of the League Covenant.<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<h3 id=\"the-league-and-the-united-nations\">The League, and the United Nations<\/h3>\n<ul>\n<li><span class=\"n-term\">League of Nations<\/span> \u2192 the first experiment; only vaguely institutionalised, because the victors disagreed. Failures \u2192 Japan\u2019s invasion of Manchuria (1931\u201332) and Italy\u2019s invasion of Ethiopia (1935\u201336). Causes \u2192 idealistic assumptions; the absence of the USA; the inexperience of Britain and France, who preferred the balance of power; appeasement of the fascist powers.<\/li>\n<li><span class=\"n-term\">United Nations<\/span> \u2192 the Charter mentions \u201cinternational peace and security\u201d 32 times; <span class=\"n-law\">Article 1<\/span> makes it the UN\u2019s primary purpose.<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<div class=\"n-tw\">\n<table>\n<thead>\n<tr>\n<th>Provision<\/th>\n<th>Content<\/th>\n<\/tr>\n<\/thead>\n<tbody>\n<tr>\n<td><span class=\"n-term\">Chapter VII<\/span><\/td>\n<td>\u201cAction with Respect to Threats to the Peace, Breaches of the Peace, and Acts of Aggression.\u201d<\/td>\n<\/tr>\n<tr>\n<td><span class=\"n-term\"><span class=\"n-law\">Article 39<\/span><\/span><\/td>\n<td>The Security Council determines a threat, breach or act of aggression.<\/td>\n<\/tr>\n<tr>\n<td><span class=\"n-term\"><span class=\"n-law\">Article 41<\/span> \u00b7 42<\/span><\/td>\n<td>Measures short of force (sanctions) \u00b7 military measures.<\/td>\n<\/tr>\n<tr>\n<td><span class=\"n-term\"><span class=\"n-law\">Article 51<\/span><\/span><\/td>\n<td>The right of individual or collective self-defence.<\/td>\n<\/tr>\n<\/tbody>\n<\/table>\n<\/div>\n<p><em>Unlike the League, where each member judged aggression for itself, the Charter vests that authority in the Security Council. Korea stands as a partial success; the 1991 Gulf War and the Uniting for Peace route show what great-power rivalry does to the model.<\/em><\/p>\n<div class=\"n-pyq\"><span class=\"n-pyq-chip\">UPSC 2022 \u00b7 15m<\/span><span class=\"n-pyq-q\">Discuss the conceptual dimensions of collective security.<\/span><a class=\"n-pyq-a\" href=\"\/psir\/psir-pyq\/discuss-the-conceptual-dimensions-of-collective-security-upsc-psir-2022-3208\/\">Answer<\/a><\/div>\n<h3 id=\"collective-defence-alliance-not-universe\">Collective Defence \u2014 Alliance, Not Universe<\/h3>\n<p><span class=\"n-term\">Two ways of organising security \u2014 and the argument between them<\/span><\/p>\n<div class=\"n-tw\">\n<table>\n<thead>\n<tr>\n<th>COLLECTIVE SECURITY<\/th>\n<th>COLLECTIVE DEFENCE<\/th>\n<\/tr>\n<\/thead>\n<tbody>\n<tr>\n<td>Universal \u00b7 institutional \u00b7 inclusive \u2014 against <em>any<\/em> aggressor (League, UN Chapter VII)<\/td>\n<td>Alliance-based \u00b7 regional \u00b7 realist \u2014 against a <em>defined<\/em> enemy (NATO, <span class=\"n-law\">Article 5<\/span>)<\/td>\n<\/tr>\n<tr>\n<td><span class=\"n-lab\">Reinforcing view<\/span> \u2014 collective defence operationalises collective security and is consistent with the Charter\u2019s self-defence right; the US position treats alliances as a tool, not a rival.<\/td>\n<td><span class=\"n-lab\">Undermining view<\/span> \u2014 alliances pre-define the enemy and narrow the field to members, breeding bloc politics and \u201calliance mentality\u201d (the NATO-expansion debate).<\/td>\n<\/tr>\n<\/tbody>\n<\/table>\n<\/div>\n<p><em>Net assessment \u2192 alliances reinforce when nested within UN purposes; they undermine when bloc politics crowds out rules-based action.<\/em><\/p>\n<ul>\n<li>Theoretical contrast \u2192 realist alliances (<span class=\"n-sch\">Morgenthau<\/span> on managing power; <span class=\"n-sch\">Stephen Walt<\/span> on balancing threats) against liberal universal cooperation. The universal model\u2019s own weakness \u2192 great-power rivalry blocks consensus.<\/li>\n<li><span class=\"n-term\">India<\/span> \u2192 opposes military blocs and pacts but supports collective security and a strengthened UN \u2014 consistent with non-alignment. <span class=\"n-term\">USA<\/span> \u2192 built military alliances and treats collective defence as the practical route to collective security, stressing the right of self-defence.<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<h3 id=\"collective-security-and-the-balance-of-power\">Collective Security and the Balance of Power<\/h3>\n<ul>\n<li><span class=\"n-term\">Similarities<\/span> \u2192 both are defensive; both manipulate power to deter or defeat aggression; both assume sovereign states coordinating against aggression; both are threatened by an extreme concentration of power.<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<div class=\"n-tw\">\n<table>\n<thead>\n<tr>\n<th>Balance of power<\/th>\n<th>Collective security<\/th>\n<\/tr>\n<\/thead>\n<tbody>\n<tr>\n<td>Assumes competitive, hostile camps.<\/td>\n<td>Assumes universal cooperation.<\/td>\n<\/tr>\n<tr>\n<td>Alliances target a specific enemy.<\/td>\n<td>Targets any aggressor, whoever it turns out to be.<\/td>\n<\/tr>\n<tr>\n<td>Permits neutrality and localised war.<\/td>\n<td>Precludes neutrality.<\/td>\n<\/tr>\n<tr>\n<td>Simpler to maintain.<\/td>\n<td>Needs elaborate rules and institutions.<\/td>\n<\/tr>\n<\/tbody>\n<\/table>\n<\/div>\n<h3 id=\"responsibility-to-protect\">Responsibility to Protect<\/h3>\n<ul>\n<li>Articulated in the <span class=\"n-term\">2005 World Summit Outcome<\/span> \u2192 states must protect their populations from genocide, war crimes, ethnic cleansing and crimes against humanity \u2014 the <span class=\"n-term\">atrocity crimes<\/span>.<\/li>\n<li>Three pillars \u2192 (1) the protection responsibilities of the state; (2) international assistance and capacity-building; (3) timely and decisive collective response through the UN.<\/li>\n<li>Against collective security \u2192 <span class=\"n-lab\">scope<\/span> \u2014 collective security is state-to-state, R2P pierces sovereignty to protect individuals. <span class=\"n-lab\">Method<\/span> \u2014 collective security relies on overwhelming force against an aggressor; R2P prioritises peaceful means, with coercion as a last resort.<\/li>\n<li>Shared limit \u2192 both depend on Security Council consensus and falter under the veto (Syria). The two are complementary but distinct.<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<div class=\"n-pyq\"><span class=\"n-pyq-chip\">UPSC 2025 \u00b7 15m<\/span><span class=\"n-pyq-q\">Collective security and Responsibility to Protect (R2P) are similar but different in scope, goals and methods. Explain.<\/span><\/div>\n<h3 id=\"criticism-and-the-contemporary-record\">Criticism, and the Contemporary Record<\/h3>\n<ul>\n<li>A \u201crelative utopia\u201d (<span class=\"n-sch\">Karl Mannheim<\/span>) \u2192 realistic in aim but retaining elements of fantasy.<\/li>\n<li><span class=\"n-term\">Sovereignty is indivisible<\/span> \u2192 states will not give unconditional, ironclad commitments to a future war; the larger powers always keep an escape hatch and refuse a standing international army.<\/li>\n<li><span class=\"n-term\">The aggressor is hard to identify<\/span> \u2192 aggressors plead self-defence; defining aggression failed for decades in both the League and the UN.<\/li>\n<li><span class=\"n-term\">It freezes the status quo<\/span> \u2192 guaranteeing existing, often unjust, frontiers condemns a dynamic world to immobility. The redundancy argument \u2192 where enough unity exists to agree on aggression, the system is hardly needed. <span class=\"n-sch\">Morgenthau<\/span> \u2192 freezing a particular status quo is doomed where politics is a struggle for power.<\/li>\n<li>The basic dilemma \u2192 waging war to prevent war.<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<div class=\"n-tw\">\n<table>\n<thead>\n<tr>\n<th>Case<\/th>\n<th>What it shows<\/th>\n<\/tr>\n<\/thead>\n<tbody>\n<tr>\n<td><span class=\"n-term\">Russia\u2013Ukraine<\/span> (2022\u2013 )<\/td>\n<td>The Russian veto paralyses the Security Council; the West aids Ukraine while bypassing the UN \u2192 great-power politics over multilateralism.<\/td>\n<\/tr>\n<tr>\n<td><span class=\"n-term\">Syria<\/span><\/td>\n<td>Russian support for the regime blocks settlement; regionalisation into proxy war.<\/td>\n<\/tr>\n<tr>\n<td><span class=\"n-term\">Yemen<\/span><\/td>\n<td>Saudi coalition against Houthi \/ Iran proxies; the UN unable to enforce a ceasefire.<\/td>\n<\/tr>\n<tr>\n<td><span class=\"n-term\">Iran \/ JCPOA<\/span><\/td>\n<td>The 2018 US withdrawal and selective sanctions show the limits of collective action where great powers diverge.<\/td>\n<\/tr>\n<\/tbody>\n<\/table>\n<\/div>\n<h3 id=\"is-the-liberal-international-order-security-friendly\">Is the Liberal International Order \u2018Security-Friendly\u2019?<\/h3>\n<ul>\n<li>The <span class=\"n-term\">Liberal International Order<\/span> \u2192 post-1945 cooperation through institutions (the UN, the WTO), rule of law, human rights and free markets, championed by the USA.<\/li>\n<li>For \u2192 <span class=\"n-sch\">Joseph Nye<\/span>: interdependence and peaceful dispute resolution reduce the need for drastic security measures. <span class=\"n-sch\">Francis Fukuyama<\/span>: democratic accountability lowers the risk of inter-state war. Institutions stabilise the system \u2014 the UN through dialogue, peacekeeping and norm-setting; the WTO through trade liberalisation and dispute settlement.<\/li>\n<li>Evolution \u2192 Cold War deterrence of the USSR gave way to the post-Cold War promotion of democracy and markets. Then 9\/11 \u2192 a return to traditional national security \u2014 the Patriot Act, \u201cenemy combatant\u201d detentions, profiling \u2014 and the liberty-versus-security tension.<\/li>\n<li>Against \u2192 <span class=\"n-sch\">Immanuel Wallerstein<\/span> (core\u2013periphery exploitation); <span class=\"n-sch\">John Mearsheimer<\/span> (cooperation is naive); the order struggles with cyber, pandemics and climate. Contemporary strain \u2192 China\u2019s rise, an assertive Russia, Western economic decline.<\/li>\n<li>Verdict \u2192 security-friendly in principle \u2014 but only if it addresses the concerns of weaker and non-Western actors.<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<h3 id=\"non-state-actors-in-international-relations\">Non-state actors in international relations<\/h3>\n<p>Non-state actors reshape power, policy space and rule-making across borders.<\/p>\n<ul>\n<li><span class=\"n-lab\">IMF and World Bank<\/span>: shape macro-policy through governance and loan design. Quota-based voting gives the US an effective veto, and conditionality (austerity, liberalisation, privatisation) narrows recipients\u2019 choices. <span class=\"n-sch\">Joseph Stiglitz<\/span> links the one-size-fits-all approach to worse outcomes in the South and to the <span class=\"n-term\">1997 Asian crisis<\/span>.<\/li>\n<li><span class=\"n-lab\">European Union<\/span>: the model of supranational integration. The <span class=\"n-term\">Single European Act<\/span> set the single-market objective and the four freedoms; the <span class=\"n-term\">Lisbon Treaty<\/span> gave the EU legal personality; binding EU law supersedes national law in agreed domains, and the Union takes common foreign-policy stances (joint sanctions on Russia). This <span class=\"n-term\">pooling of sovereignty<\/span> is what distinguishes it.<\/li>\n<li><span class=\"n-lab\">MNCs and global finance<\/span>: erode domestic autonomy as key economic drivers move beyond national borders; MNC-led production can drive a <span class=\"n-term\">\u201crace to the bottom\u201d<\/span> in wages and conditions. Marxist scholars read globalisation as the latest phase of global capitalism. <span class=\"n-sch\">Robert Cox<\/span>: global governance limits the autonomy of nation-states. <span class=\"n-sch\">Immanuel Wallerstein<\/span>: core\u2013periphery divides persist.<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<div class=\"n-next\"><a href=\"\/psir\/notes\/balance-of-power-and-deterrence\/\"><em>Previous<\/em><b>Balance of power and deterrence<\/b><\/a><a class=\"r\" href=\"\/psir\/notes\/world-capitalist-economy-and-globalisation\/\"><em>Next<\/em><b>World capitalist economy and globalisation<\/b><\/a><\/div>\n<p><\/main><\/p>\n<aside class=\"n-rail\">\n<h4>On this page<\/h4>\n<p><a href=\"#complex-interdependence\">Complex Interdependence<\/a><a href=\"#transnational-actors\">Transnational Actors<\/a><a href=\"#multinational-corporations\">Multinational Corporations<\/a><a href=\"#non-governmental-organisations\">Non-Governmental Organisations<\/a><a href=\"#the-crisis-of-the-nation-state\">The Crisis of the Nation-State<\/a><a href=\"#views-of-the-schools\">Views of the Schools<\/a><a href=\"#collective-security-meaning-elements-origins\">Collective Security \u2014 Meaning, Elements, Origins<\/a><a href=\"#the-league-and-the-united-nations\">The League, and the United Nations<\/a><a href=\"#collective-defence-alliance-not-universe\">Collective Defence \u2014 Alliance, Not Universe<\/a><a href=\"#collective-security-and-the-balance-of-power\">Collective Security and the Balance of Power<\/a><a href=\"#responsibility-to-protect\">Responsibility to Protect<\/a><a href=\"#criticism-and-the-contemporary-record\">Criticism, and the Contemporary Record<\/a><a href=\"#is-the-liberal-international-order-security-friendly\">Is the Liberal International Order \u2018Security-Friendly\u2019?<\/a><a href=\"#non-state-actors-in-international-relations\">Non-state actors in international relations<\/a><\/aside>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"<p>Transnational actors and collective security for the UPSC PSIR optional \u2014 PSIR Notes \u203a II-A Comparative Political Analysis and International Politics \u203a Transnational actors and col<\/p>\n","protected":false},"template":"","meta":{"jetpack_post_was_ever_published":false,"fx_note_key":"II-A.6.3","fx_note_sec":"II-A","fx_note_point":"6","fx_note_desc":"Transnational actors and collective security for the UPSC PSIR optional \u2014 PSIR Notes \u203a II-A Comparative Political Analysis and International Politics \u203a Transnational actors and col","footnotes":""},"class_list":["post-3554","psir_note","type-psir_note","status-publish","hentry"],"jetpack_sharing_enabled":true,"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/forumias.com\/psir\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/psir_note\/3554","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/forumias.com\/psir\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/psir_note"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/forumias.com\/psir\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/psir_note"}],"version-history":[{"count":2,"href":"https:\/\/forumias.com\/psir\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/psir_note\/3554\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":3813,"href":"https:\/\/forumias.com\/psir\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/psir_note\/3554\/revisions\/3813"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/forumias.com\/psir\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=3554"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}