{"id":3587,"date":"2026-08-11T22:12:09","date_gmt":"2026-08-11T16:42:09","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/forumias.com\/psir\/notes\/ethnic-conflicts-and-insurgencies\/"},"modified":"2026-08-12T02:57:01","modified_gmt":"2026-08-11T21:27:01","slug":"ethnic-conflicts-and-insurgencies","status":"publish","type":"psir_note","link":"https:\/\/forumias.com\/psir\/notes\/ethnic-conflicts-and-insurgencies\/","title":{"rendered":"Ethnic conflicts and insurgencies"},"content":{"rendered":"<div class=\"n-wrap\">\n<div class=\"n-shell\">\n<div class=\"n-crumb\"><a href=\"\/psir\/psir-notes\/\">PSIR Notes<\/a><span class=\"sep\">\u203a<\/span><a href=\"\/psir\/psir-notes\/#ii-b\">II-B India and the World<\/a><span class=\"sep\">\u203a<\/span><span>Ethnic conflicts and insurgencies<\/span><\/div>\n<header class=\"n-head\">\n<div class=\"n-eyebrow\">Paper I \u00b7 India and the World<\/div>\n<h1 class=\"n-title\">Ethnic conflicts and insurgencies<\/h1>\n<div class=\"n-syl\"><b>Syllabus \u00b7 Paper II-B \u00b7 3<\/b> \u2014 India and South Asia : (a) Regional Co-operation : SAARC-past performance and future prospects. (b) South Asia as a Free Trade Area. (c) India\u2019s \u201cLook East\u201d policy. (d) Impediments to regional co-operation : River water disputes; illegal cross border migration; <span class=\"cur\">Ethnic conflicts and insurgencies<\/span>; Border disputes.<\/div>\n<\/header>\n<div class=\"n-grid\">\n  <main class=\"n-body\"><\/p>\n<h3 id=\"ethnicity-insurgency-and-nation-building\">Ethnicity, Insurgency and Nation-Building<\/h3>\n<p><span class=\"n-lab\">Background<\/span><\/p>\n<ul>\n<li>Territorial, religious and ethnic disputes in South Asia are rooted in the years before and after the end of almost three centuries of British colonisation. At the end of the colonial period in <span class=\"n-term\">1947<\/span>, the subcontinent was divided along religious lines into Hindu-majority India and Muslim-majority East and West Pakistan.<\/li>\n<li>Since the formation of nation-states, the religious and ethnic dynamics of the tragedies of <span class=\"n-term\">1947 and 1971<\/span> have been exploited by ultra-nationalistic politicians, some media outlets and extremist groups to undermine regional cooperation.<\/li>\n<li>South Asia has <span class=\"n-term\">multi-ethnic, plural societies<\/span> which have faced challenges of varying degree and intensity to their national integrity; legacies of colonial rule have made nation-building harder.<\/li>\n<li><span class=\"n-term\">Instances<\/span> \u2192 the tribal problems of the <span class=\"n-term\">Chakmas in Bangladesh<\/span>, the <span class=\"n-term\">Northeast in India<\/span>, the <span class=\"n-term\">Baloch in southwest Pakistan<\/span>; the <span class=\"n-term\">Kashmir issue<\/span>; organisations such as the <span class=\"n-term\">LTTE<\/span> in Sri Lanka.<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<p><span class=\"n-term\">Basis of ethno-nationalism<\/span><\/p>\n<ul>\n<li>Attributable to the nature of pre-colonial societies and the impact of colonial rule upon them. The historical legacy and structure of pre-colonial South Asian societies shaped the demands and struggles of ethnic groups \u2014 the claim of pre-colonial Tamil separatists in northern Sri Lanka lends legitimacy to their claim for a <span class=\"n-term\">Tamil Eelam<\/span> in what they term their traditional homeland. Similar claims to a historical ethnic homeland appear among the Sikhs in India, the Baloch and Pashtuns in Pakistan, the Chakmas in Bangladesh.<\/li>\n<li>After independence the post-colonial state encroached on the traditional autonomy and privileges of groups which even the colonial powers had not disturbed, producing demands for autonomy or independence in northeastern India and in Balochistan.<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<blockquote class=\"n-quote\">\n<p><em>\u201cThe post-colonial state is actually the colonial state with new rulers.\u201d<\/em><\/p>\n<p><cite>Ross Mallick<\/cite><\/p><\/blockquote>\n<p><em>The post-colonial state has centralised pre-colonial states into a political and administrative straitjacket regardless of ethnic and religious identity, mobilising separatist ambitions. Bangladesh, founded on a strong linguistic identity, tried to integrate the Buddhist, non-Bengali-speaking tribal minority into Muslim Bengali culture, leading to violent clashes between tribal guerrillas and the Bangladesh army in 1976.<\/em><\/p>\n<blockquote class=\"n-quote\">\n<p><em>\u201cIt all depends on how a state manages its developmental problems. Depending upon the state\u2019s capability to accommodate the grievances of ethnic groups, these assertions fluctuate from dormancy to militancy.\u201d<\/em><\/p>\n<p><cite>Ghoshal<\/cite><\/p><\/blockquote>\n<p><span class=\"n-term\">Impact on nation-building<\/span><\/p>\n<ul>\n<li>Nation-building is complicated by the task of integrating heterogeneous ethnic groups into the mainstream of national politics; these states have had to establish political, social and economic institutions while forging a cohesive nationalism across diverse populations.<\/li>\n<li>The issue challenges the sovereignty of South Asian states \u2014 Tamil insurgency challenged Sri Lankan unity and integrity; in northeastern India the target of insurgency is the sovereignty of the state, its police, army and other institutions.<\/li>\n<li>Insurgency and autonomy movements often produce ethnic riots, especially between tribal and non-tribal groups or between tribes; all such developments get linked to state policy for the region.<\/li>\n<li><span class=\"n-term\">Afghanistan<\/span>, among the most ethnically diverse countries in the world, has seen this diversity undermine nation-building \u2014 the Taliban takeover the latest instance. In <span class=\"n-term\">Nepal<\/span>, the <span class=\"n-term\">Madhesi<\/span> issue challenges the stability of the democratic transition.<\/li>\n<li>A major hurdle to socio-economic development: conflict-ridden regions cannot be accessed by governments for security reasons and trade is difficult, producing poor living standards which in turn create disaffection towards the state.<\/li>\n<li><span class=\"n-sch\">Urmila Phadnis<\/span> and <span class=\"n-sch\">Rajat Ganguly<\/span> (<em>Ethnicity and Nation-building in South Asia<\/em>) \u2192 addressing ethnic movements across the subcontinent in a single volume requires dealing adequately with a diversity of groups, several national political systems, significant socio-political change, knotty issues of definition, conceptualisation and analytical scale, and an uneven literature.<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<p><span class=\"n-term\">Cross-border ethnic geography<\/span><\/p>\n<ul>\n<li>Tamils across the Palk Strait; <span class=\"n-term\">Madhesis<\/span> across the India\u2013Nepal Terai; Bengalis across the India\u2013Bangladesh border; <span class=\"n-term\">Naga<\/span> and <span class=\"n-term\">Chin-Kuki<\/span> communities across the India\u2013Myanmar frontier \u2014 no ethnic conflict in the region stays domestic.<\/li>\n<li><span class=\"n-lab\">Bilateralisation in practice<\/span> \u2014 the Sri Lankan ethnic conflict drawing in the <span class=\"n-term\">IPKF<\/span> and shaping India\u2019s UNHRC votes; the Madhesi question producing the <span class=\"n-term\">2015 blockade<\/span>; illegal migration from Bangladesh entering Indian electoral politics; <span class=\"n-term\">ULFA<\/span> and <span class=\"n-term\">NDFB<\/span> camps in Bhutan and <span class=\"n-term\">NSCN-K<\/span> activity from Myanmar.<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<div class=\"n-pyq\"><span class=\"n-pyq-chip\">UPSC 2023 \u00b7 10m<\/span><span class=\"n-pyq-q\">Why do ethnic conflicts and insurgencies continue to remain major impediments to regional co-operation in South Asia?<\/span><a class=\"n-pyq-a\" href=\"\/psir\/psir-pyq\/why-do-ethnic-conflicts-and-insurgencies-continue-to-remain-major-upsc-psir-2023-4306\/\">Answer<\/a><\/div>\n<h3 id=\"terrorism-and-ceasefire-violations\">Terrorism and ceasefire violations<\/h3>\n<ul>\n<li><span class=\"n-sch\">David Scott<\/span> \u2014 a constant refrain from India is its sense of Pakistan as a state sponsoring \u2018terrorism\u2019.<\/li>\n<li>Origins \u2192 support to Kashmiri and Sikh insurgents in the 1970s, part of <span class=\"n-term\">Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto\u2019s<\/span> search for forward <em>strategic depth<\/em>, a substitute for Pakistan\u2019s lack of depth and early warning after 1971.<\/li>\n<li>After the loss of East Pakistan, Pakistan turned to <span class=\"n-term\">asymmetric balancing<\/span>. <span class=\"n-term\">General Zia-ul-Haq<\/span> began the \u2018<span class=\"n-term\">thousand cuts, zero-option war<\/span>\u2019 policy. Pakistan has also aided <span class=\"n-term\">Khalistani separatists<\/span>.<\/li>\n<li>Despite the <span class=\"n-term\">Ceasefire Agreement of 2003<\/span>, cross-border violations continue and have risen since 2009. Repeated attacks such as Pathankot and Uri rendered SAARC ineffective; after the surgical strikes relations reached a point of no return.<\/li>\n<li><span class=\"n-term\">The dual burden<\/span> \u2192 terrorism denies India a <span class=\"n-term\">decisive victory<\/span> and simultaneously limits India\u2019s ability to achieve <span class=\"n-term\">regional hegemony<\/span>.<\/li>\n<li><span class=\"n-sch\">Ashley J. Tellis<\/span> \u2014 jihadi terrorism is the perfect instrument for continuously coercing India. It gives the \u201c<span class=\"n-term\">deep state<\/span>\u201d plausible deniability, avoids conventional confrontations Pakistan is certain to lose, and converts Pakistan\u2019s nuclear deterrent into a licence to needle New Delhi without exposing itself to heavy retaliation.<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<p><span class=\"n-term\">Why terrorism became policy \u2014 the logic chain.<\/span> <span class=\"n-term\">1971<\/span> (East Pakistan lost; no depth, no early warning) \u2192 <span class=\"n-term\">BHUTTO<\/span> (Search for forward <em>strategic depth<\/em>) \u2192 <span class=\"n-term\">ZIA<\/span> (\u2018Thousand cuts, zero-option war\u2019) \u2192 <span class=\"n-term\">1998<\/span> (Nuclear cover makes it low-cost) \u2192 <span class=\"n-term\">INDIA<\/span> (No decisive victory; no regional pre-eminence)<\/p>\n<p><span class=\"n-term\">India\u2019s earlier approach, and the choice since<\/span><\/p>\n<ul>\n<li>Three decades of policy centred on stopping infiltration across the LoC, negotiating a mutually acceptable political settlement, reducing violence within Jammu and Kashmir and reinvigorating the political process. A series of popular elections followed, with violence at its lowest point in 2012.<\/li>\n<li><span class=\"n-sch\">Vivek Chadha<\/span> \u2014 <em>option one<\/em>: \u201cmore of the same\u201d. Continued talks despite occasional strikes, an offensive-defence posture along the LoC limiting infiltration and retaining moral ascendancy, sustained in the hope that domestic blowback and international aversion would eventually change Pakistan\u2019s calculation.<\/li>\n<li><span class=\"n-sch\">Vivek Chadha<\/span> \u2014 <em>option two<\/em>: premised on the Pakistan Army\u2019s vested interests being immovable. Unless India could impose costs on the Army itself, terrorism would continue with only tactical adjustment; India therefore needed pressure points against the Pakistan Army. Recent years reflect this second option.<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<div class=\"n-pyq\"><span class=\"n-pyq-chip\">UPSC 2020 \u00b7 10m<\/span><span class=\"n-pyq-q\">How does cross border terrorism impede the achievements of peace and security in South Asia?<\/span><a class=\"n-pyq-a\" href=\"\/psir\/psir-pyq\/how-does-cross-border-terrorism-impede-the-achievements-of-peace-upsc-psir-2020-4203\/\">Answer<\/a><\/div>\n<h3 id=\"balochistan\">Balochistan<\/h3>\n<ul>\n<li>In the <span class=\"n-term\">southwest of Pakistan<\/span>, about half the country\u2019s territory, rich in gas, gold, copper, oil and uranium, yet among its poorest regions. <span class=\"n-term\">Gwadar port<\/span> gives it strategic weight.<\/li>\n<li><span class=\"n-term\">Unresolved autonomy<\/span> \u2192 the incorporation of Balochistan, including the formerly independent Kalat, has produced persistent grievances. <span class=\"n-term\">Human rights abuses<\/span>, <span class=\"n-term\">economic exploitation<\/span> without local benefit and <span class=\"n-term\">ethnic nationalism<\/span> against Punjabi dominance sustain the conflict.<\/li>\n<li>Pakistan accuses India of supporting Baloch nationalist activity; India generally maintains a non-interventionist stance but has occasionally highlighted the region\u2019s plight.<\/li>\n<li><span class=\"n-sch\">Suhasini Haidar<\/span> \u2192 mentioning Balochistan puts pressure on both China and Pakistan, since CPEC depends on secure access through Gwadar.<\/li>\n<li><span class=\"n-sch\">Sadanand Dhume<\/span> \u2192 the reference reflects scepticism about productive dialogue with Pakistan in present circumstances.<\/li>\n<li><span class=\"n-sch\">Kanwal Sibal<\/span> \u2192 by raising Balochistan in his Independence Day speech, the Prime Minister put Pakistan on notice about its own internal vulnerabilities.<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<h3 id=\"the-1987-accord-and-the-thirteenth-amendment\">The 1987 Accord and the Thirteenth Amendment<\/h3>\n<p><span class=\"n-term\">Provisions of the Accord<\/span><\/p>\n<ul>\n<li>Merger of the northern and eastern provinces, where Tamils were in a majority, into a single province.<\/li>\n<li>Substantial devolution of power to the Northern Province.<\/li>\n<li>Dissolution of the LTTE and surrender of arms within a very short time.<\/li>\n<li>The Indian army to aid the Sri Lankan government if requested.<\/li>\n<li>The <span class=\"n-term\">Thirteenth Amendment<\/span> to create provincial councils, and to make Sinhalese and Tamil national languages while retaining English as the link language.<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<p><span class=\"n-term\">What the Thirteenth Amendment is<\/span><\/p>\n<p>A new <span class=\"n-term\">constitutional arrangement for power sharing<\/span> between the Sinhalese majority and the Tamil minority, and between centre and provinces \u2014 a <span class=\"n-term\">Provincial Council system<\/span>, a constitutional structure providing the substance of federalism.<\/p>\n<p><span class=\"n-term\">Consequences<\/span><\/p>\n<ul>\n<li>The <span class=\"n-term\">Indian Peace Keeping Force<\/span> played a role in controlling the insurgency, but <span class=\"n-term\">Operation Pawan<\/span> turned into a thankless venture.<\/li>\n<li>Hated by Sri Lankan Tamils and Sinhalese alike, the IPKF was characterised as an army of occupation by the <span class=\"n-term\">Premadasa<\/span> regime. India protected Sri Lanka&#8217;s national interest at heavy cost without acknowledgement, and the Premadasa administration used unconventional methods to force the IPKF out.<\/li>\n<li>Despite the failure, the enactment of the Thirteenth Amendment was a significant step towards devolution across the island.<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<h3 id=\"contestation-the-fishermen-and-the-ethnic-question\">Contestation \u2014 the fishermen and the ethnic question<\/h3>\n<p><span class=\"n-term\">Fishermen and Katchatheevu<\/span><\/p>\n<ul>\n<li>India recognised Sri Lankan sovereignty over Katchatheevu in 1974 without adequate safeguards for traditional fishing rights; Indian fishermen retained access for rest and drying of nets, not for fishing.<\/li>\n<li>Attacks on and arrests of Indian fishermen have increased, driven partly by depletion of marine resources on the Indian side; Sri Lanka protests the use of big trawlers and <span class=\"n-term\">bottom trawling<\/span>, which is illegal in its waters and damaging to marine ecosystems.<\/li>\n<li>The <span class=\"n-term\">International Maritime Boundary Line<\/span> is demarcated but fishermen on both sides cross it. Incidents have included the Sri Lankan navy firing on Indian fishermen, contrary to <span class=\"n-term\">UNCLOS<\/span> principles.<\/li>\n<li><span class=\"n-lab\">Measures<\/span> \u2014 a <span class=\"n-term\">Joint Working Group<\/span> on fisheries; a direct hotline between coast guards; release of detained fishermen and boats on humanitarian grounds; development of deep-sea fishing skills to reduce pressure on traditional grounds. The issue should be treated &#8220;as a purely humanitarian and livelihood concern&#8221;, with force never resorted to.<\/li>\n<li>A proposal for <span class=\"n-term\">licensed fishing<\/span> for southern Tamil Nadu fisherfolk in Sri Lankan waters met stiff resistance from Northern Province fishers, backed by MPs cutting across party lines. Possible approaches include a formal lease arrangement for the island or other cooperative resource management.<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<p><span class=\"n-term\">The ethnic question<\/span><\/p>\n<ul>\n<li><span class=\"n-term\">Jaffna Province<\/span> has a large concentration of Tamils who began demanding a national homeland, a Republic of Eelam, over about <span class=\"n-term\">18,000 sq km<\/span>.<\/li>\n<li>Two categories of Tamils \u2014 about a million <span class=\"n-term\">Ceylon Tamils<\/span> whose forefathers migrated in ancient times, and about a million who went during the nineteenth century, many without citizenship, whose status dominated early relations.<\/li>\n<li>The Sinhalese fear of Tamil domination is the principal reason behind the conflict; Tamil youth who lost faith in non-violence organised themselves into the Liberation Tigers, seeking a sovereign Eelam.<\/li>\n<li>The earliest attempt at settlement was the <span class=\"n-term\">1953 Nehru\u2013Kotelawala agreement<\/span>; Tamils alleged it was not implemented sincerely and many became &#8216;stateless persons&#8217;. The 1956 language disturbances aggravated tensions, and the 1983 violence was described as an &#8216;<span class=\"n-term\">ethnic explosion<\/span>&#8216;.<\/li>\n<li>India continues to favour a peaceful solution within the framework of Sri Lanka&#8217;s sovereignty and territorial integrity, through negotiation and without outside interference, and welcomes devolution to areas largely inhabited by the Tamil minority.<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<h3 id=\"regional-flashpoint-myanmar\">Regional Flashpoint: Myanmar<\/h3>\n<p>On <span class=\"n-term\">1 February 2021<\/span> the military \u2014 the <span class=\"n-term\">Tatmadaw<\/span> \u2014 launched a coup, declared the November 2020 election invalid and imposed a state of emergency.<\/p>\n<ul>\n<li>Nationwide protests met a brutal crackdown \u2014 arrests of elected leaders and journalists, live fire on demonstrators.<\/li>\n<li><span class=\"n-lab\">Deep roots<\/span>: Myanmar has been mired since independence (1948) in one of the world\u2019s longest civil conflicts; resistance forces \u2014 ethnic organisations and the <span class=\"n-term\">People\u2019s Defence Force<\/span> \u2014 control large parts of the territory; the economy has contracted.<\/li>\n<li><span class=\"n-lab\">Regional spillover<\/span>: refugee outflows, illegal gambling, drugs, human trafficking and scam operations; the <span class=\"n-term\">Rohingya<\/span> crisis strains Bangladesh (Cox\u2019s Bazar) and others; statelessness raises the risk of radicalisation.<\/li>\n<li><span class=\"n-lab\">The ASEAN test<\/span>: a softer line than the West, mindful of China; consensus-based, non-interference diplomacy makes unanimous action hard. Indonesia and Malaysia are most willing to speak out, while Thailand, Cambodia, Laos and Vietnam largely follow China\u2019s lead \u2014 the crisis challenges ASEAN\u2019s <span class=\"n-term\">centrality<\/span> and credibility.<\/li>\n<li><span class=\"n-lab\">For India<\/span>: Myanmar is a strategic <span class=\"n-term\">land\u2013maritime gateway<\/span> to South-East Asia. The crisis has stalled connectivity projects and development assistance; tens of thousands of displaced people shelter across India\u2019s north-eastern states, with pressure on border management (FMR, fencing).<\/li>\n<li><span class=\"n-lab\">Way forward<\/span>: humanitarian assistance, support for the displaced, regional stability, and quiet channels of dialogue with and between the junta and the opposition, including armed ethnic groups.<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<div class=\"n-next\"><a href=\"\/psir\/notes\/illegal-cross-border-migration\/\"><em>Previous<\/em><b>Illegal cross border migration<\/b><\/a><a class=\"r\" href=\"\/psir\/notes\/border-disputes\/\"><em>Next<\/em><b>Border disputes<\/b><\/a><\/div>\n<p><\/main><\/p>\n<aside class=\"n-rail\">\n<h4>On this page<\/h4>\n<p><a href=\"#ethnicity-insurgency-and-nation-building\">Ethnicity, Insurgency and Nation-Building<\/a><a href=\"#terrorism-and-ceasefire-violations\">Terrorism and ceasefire violations<\/a><a href=\"#balochistan\">Balochistan<\/a><a href=\"#the-1987-accord-and-the-thirteenth-amendment\">The 1987 Accord and the Thirteenth Amendment<\/a><a href=\"#contestation-the-fishermen-and-the-ethnic-question\">Contestation \u2014 the fishermen and the ethnic question<\/a><a href=\"#regional-flashpoint-myanmar\">Regional Flashpoint: Myanmar<\/a><\/aside>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"<p>Ethnic conflicts and insurgencies for the UPSC PSIR optional \u2014 PSIR Notes \u203a II-B India and the World \u203a Ethnic conflicts and insurgencies Paper I \u00b7 India and the World Ethnic confli<\/p>\n","protected":false},"template":"","meta":{"jetpack_post_was_ever_published":false,"fx_note_key":"II-B.3.7","fx_note_sec":"II-B","fx_note_point":"3","fx_note_desc":"Ethnic conflicts and insurgencies for the UPSC PSIR optional \u2014 PSIR Notes \u203a II-B India and the World \u203a Ethnic conflicts and insurgencies Paper I \u00b7 India and the World Ethnic confli","footnotes":""},"class_list":["post-3587","psir_note","type-psir_note","status-publish","hentry"],"jetpack_sharing_enabled":true,"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/forumias.com\/psir\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/psir_note\/3587","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/forumias.com\/psir\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/psir_note"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/forumias.com\/psir\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/psir_note"}],"version-history":[{"count":2,"href":"https:\/\/forumias.com\/psir\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/psir_note\/3587\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":3794,"href":"https:\/\/forumias.com\/psir\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/psir_note\/3587\/revisions\/3794"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/forumias.com\/psir\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=3587"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}