{"id":3598,"date":"2026-08-11T22:12:14","date_gmt":"2026-08-11T16:42:14","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/forumias.com\/psir\/notes\/demand-for-a-permanent-seat-in-the-security-council\/"},"modified":"2026-08-12T02:56:56","modified_gmt":"2026-08-11T21:26:56","slug":"demand-for-a-permanent-seat-in-the-security-council","status":"publish","type":"psir_note","link":"https:\/\/forumias.com\/psir\/notes\/demand-for-a-permanent-seat-in-the-security-council\/","title":{"rendered":"Demand for a Permanent Seat in the Security Council"},"content":{"rendered":"<div class=\"n-wrap\">\n<div class=\"n-shell\">\n<div class=\"n-crumb\"><a href=\"\/psir\/psir-notes\/\">PSIR Notes<\/a><span class=\"sep\">\u203a<\/span><a href=\"\/psir\/psir-notes\/#ii-b\">II-B India and the World<\/a><span class=\"sep\">\u203a<\/span><span>Demand for a Permanent Seat in the Security Council<\/span><\/div>\n<header class=\"n-head\">\n<div class=\"n-eyebrow\">Paper I \u00b7 India and the World<\/div>\n<h1 class=\"n-title\">Demand for a Permanent Seat in the Security Council<\/h1>\n<div class=\"n-syl\"><b>Syllabus \u00b7 Paper II-B \u00b7 6<\/b> \u2014 India and the UN System: Role in UN Peace-keeping; Demand for Permanent Seat in the Security Council.<\/div>\n<\/header>\n<div class=\"n-grid\">\n  <main class=\"n-body\"><\/p>\n<h3 id=\"india-the-wider-un-agenda\">India &amp; the Wider UN Agenda<\/h3>\n<p>Beyond peacekeeping \u2014 development, poverty, climate, terrorism, piracy, disarmament, human rights and peacebuilding.<\/p>\n<ul>\n<li><span class=\"n-lab\">Sustainable Development Cooperation Framework (2023\u20132027)<\/span> \u2014 a joint UN\u2013India framework across health, education, growth, environment and community empowerment.<\/li>\n<li><span class=\"n-lab\">Forests<\/span> \u2014 India\u2019s Green Credit Program presented at the UN Forum on Forests. <span class=\"n-term\">Disarmament &amp; AI<\/span> \u2014 the UN\u2019s disarmament chief discussed AI\u2019s implications for security ahead of the Conference on Disarmament.<\/li>\n<li>Global agenda \u2014 the MDGs, the SDGs, climate summits, and the CCIT framework against terrorism.<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<h3 id=\"india-s-demand-for-a-permanent-seat\">India\u2019s Demand for a Permanent Seat<\/h3>\n<p><span class=\"n-term\">17.1 Basis of the demand<\/span><\/p>\n<p>The Council\u2019s structure is largely unchanged since 1945, when five victors \u2014 China, France, the UK, the US and the then USSR \u2014 took permanent seats. India\u2019s case rests on representation and equity, Global South representation, economic and demographic weight, its peacekeeping record, nuclear-power status and regional stability. <span class=\"n-term\"><span class=\"n-law\">Article 23<\/span><\/span> of the Charter itself directs that elected members be chosen with regard to their contribution to international peace and security \u2014 a criterion India meets on the Charter\u2019s own terms.<\/p>\n<blockquote class=\"n-quote\">\n<p><span class=\"n-term\">Three reasons \u2014 Harsh V. Pant (\u201cThe Challenge of Reforming UN\u201d)<\/span>  (1) acknowledgement that India is a great power; (2) assurance the UNSC is not used against India, as happened in 1948 on Kashmir; (3) capacity to stop sanctions against smaller countries.<\/p>\n<\/blockquote>\n<p><span class=\"n-term\">17.2 Grounds of the claim<\/span><\/p>\n<ul>\n<li><span class=\"n-lab\">Bridging divides<\/span> \u2014 between the P2 and P3, India presents itself as a neutral state able to build consensus. <span class=\"n-term\">World view<\/span> \u2014 <span class=\"n-term\">Vasudhaiva Kutumbakam<\/span> and a constitutional commitment to international peace.<\/li>\n<li><span class=\"n-lab\">Extensive association<\/span> \u2014 founding member; eight non-permanent terms, most recently 2021\u201322. In July 2026 India launched its bid for the 2028\u201329 term under the vision <span class=\"n-term\">SHANTI<\/span> (Securing Holistic Advancement through Norms, Trust and Integrity), naming counter-terrorism, maritime security and the governance of artificial intelligence among its priorities.<\/li>\n<li><span class=\"n-lab\">Intrinsic strength<\/span> \u2014 the most populous country, the fifth-largest economy and second-largest by PPP, a responsible nuclear power, and the world\u2019s largest democracy. <span class=\"n-term\">Leader of the Third World<\/span> \u2014 NAM and the G-77.<\/li>\n<li><span class=\"n-lab\">Global issues &amp; expertise<\/span> \u2014 the MDGs, SDGs, climate summits, the CCIT, and long counter-terrorism experience; a pluralistic society; active in the G20 and BRICS.<\/li>\n<li><span class=\"n-lab\">Global support<\/span> \u2014 the US, Russia, the UK and France, and well over 120 states across the L.69 and African Union blocs.<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<p><span class=\"n-term\">17.3 Views of scholars<\/span><\/p>\n<div class=\"n-tw\">\n<table>\n<thead>\n<tr>\n<th>Scholar<\/th>\n<th>Position<\/th>\n<\/tr>\n<\/thead>\n<tbody>\n<tr>\n<td><span class=\"n-sch\">C. Raja Mohan<\/span><\/td>\n<td>Expand permanent membership to include India, given its economic role and peacekeeping.<\/td>\n<\/tr>\n<tr>\n<td><span class=\"n-sch\">Rajesh Rajagopalan<\/span><\/td>\n<td>The veto is contentious; abolish or limit it to democratize the Council.<\/td>\n<\/tr>\n<tr>\n<td><span class=\"n-sch\">Hardeep Singh Puri<\/span><\/td>\n<td>Better regional representation \u2014 India, Africa and Latin America.<\/td>\n<\/tr>\n<tr>\n<td><span class=\"n-sch\">Meena Singh Roy<\/span><\/td>\n<td>Transparency and inclusivity; the Council is opaque and dominated by a few.<\/td>\n<\/tr>\n<tr>\n<td><span class=\"n-sch\">Happymon Jacob<\/span><\/td>\n<td>The Council must evolve on terrorism, cyber threats and climate to stay relevant.<\/td>\n<\/tr>\n<tr>\n<td><span class=\"n-sch\">S. Y. Quraishi<\/span><\/td>\n<td>A structure reflecting today\u2019s geopolitics, accommodating rising powers.<\/td>\n<\/tr>\n<tr>\n<td><span class=\"n-sch\">Srinath Raghavan<\/span><\/td>\n<td>India\u2019s long contributions justify a greater role in Council decisions.<\/td>\n<\/tr>\n<tr>\n<td><span class=\"n-sch\">Ramesh Thakur<\/span><\/td>\n<td>India\u2019s consistent engagement enhances UN legitimacy and effectiveness.<\/td>\n<\/tr>\n<tr>\n<td><span class=\"n-sch\">Shashi Tharoor<\/span> (<em>Pax Indica<\/em>)<\/td>\n<td>India\u2019s role in global peace reflects readiness for greater responsibility.<\/td>\n<\/tr>\n<tr>\n<td><span class=\"n-sch\">Arundhati Ghose<\/span><\/td>\n<td>Peacekeeping serves India\u2019s goals of equity, stability and a reformed order.<\/td>\n<\/tr>\n<\/tbody>\n<\/table>\n<\/div>\n<div class=\"n-pyq\"><span class=\"n-pyq-chip\">UPSC 2020 \u00b7 15m<\/span><span class=\"n-pyq-q\">Explain the importance of India\u2019s claim for a permanent seat in the United Security Council.<\/span><a class=\"n-pyq-a\" href=\"\/psir\/psir-pyq\/explain-the-importance-of-indias-claim-for-a-permanent-seat-in-upsc-psir-2020-4706\/\">Answer<\/a><\/div>\n<div class=\"n-pyq\"><span class=\"n-pyq-chip\">UPSC 2022 \u00b7 15m<\/span><span class=\"n-pyq-q\">Explain the factors which justify India\u2019s claim for a permanent seat at the UN Security Council.<\/span><a class=\"n-pyq-a\" href=\"\/psir\/psir-pyq\/explain-the-factors-which-justify-indias-claim-for-a-permanent-upsc-psir-2022-4707\/\">Answer<\/a><\/div>\n<h3 id=\"peacekeeping-as-a-ground-for-the-seat\">Peacekeeping as a Ground for the Seat<\/h3>\n<p>Over seven decades, peacekeeping is the strongest single ground India advances \u2014 readiness to shoulder exactly the global responsibility expected of permanent members.<\/p>\n<ul>\n<li><span class=\"n-sch\">C. Raja Mohan<\/span> \u2014 peacekeeping shows moral authority and strategic capacity. <span class=\"n-sch\">Ramesh Thakur<\/span> (<em>From Collective Security to the Responsibility to Protect<\/em>) \u2014 emerging powers\u2019 contributions strengthen their case in global governance.<\/li>\n<li><span class=\"n-sch\">Shashi Tharoor<\/span> (<em>Pax Indica<\/em>) \u2014 involvement reflects readiness for greater responsibility. <span class=\"n-sch\">Arundhati Ghose<\/span> (<em>India\u2019s Role in the United Nations<\/em>) \u2014 peacekeeping has bolstered India\u2019s diplomatic standing.<\/li>\n<li><span class=\"n-lab\">The counter-argument<\/span> \u2014 contribution has not brought a greater say; funding, not troops, determines influence. <span class=\"n-sch\">Anit Mukherjee<\/span> \u2014 \u201cnot commensurate to results\u201d; <span class=\"n-sch\">Thierry Tardy<\/span> \u2014 the 1996 election loss to Japan.<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<p><span class=\"n-term\">The tension that drives the reform push:<\/span> <span class=\"n-term\">Heavy contributor<\/span> (Largest cumulative peacekeeper) \u2192 <span class=\"n-term\">Light representation<\/span> (No proportionate say in mandates) \u2192 <span class=\"n-term\">Reform campaign<\/span> (Those who implement should shape)<\/p>\n<div class=\"n-pyq\"><span class=\"n-pyq-chip\">UPSC 2023 \u00b7 15m<\/span><span class=\"n-pyq-q\">Discuss the importance of India\u2019s role in UN peacekeeping operations as a ground for its claim to a permanent seat in the UN Security Council.<\/span><a class=\"n-pyq-a\" href=\"\/psir\/psir-pyq\/discuss-the-importance-of-indias-role-in-un-upsc-psir-2023-4708\/\">Answer<\/a><\/div>\n<h3 id=\"the-g4-proposal\">The G4 Proposal<\/h3>\n<p><span class=\"n-lab\">Members<\/span> \u2014 Brazil, Germany, India and Japan: significant economic and regional powers offering mutual support for permanent seats reflecting twenty-first-century realities.<\/p>\n<p><span class=\"n-term\">The model \u2014 a 25-member Council<\/span><\/p>\n<div class=\"n-tw\">\n<table>\n<thead>\n<tr>\n<th>Region<\/th>\n<th>New seats added<\/th>\n<\/tr>\n<\/thead>\n<tbody>\n<tr>\n<td>Africa<\/td>\n<td>2 permanent + 1 non-permanent<\/td>\n<\/tr>\n<tr>\n<td>Asia<\/td>\n<td>2 permanent + 1 non-permanent<\/td>\n<\/tr>\n<tr>\n<td>Latin America<\/td>\n<td>1 permanent + 1 non-permanent<\/td>\n<\/tr>\n<tr>\n<td>Western Europe<\/td>\n<td>1 permanent<\/td>\n<\/tr>\n<tr>\n<td>Eastern Europe<\/td>\n<td>1 non-permanent (non-renewable)<\/td>\n<\/tr>\n<\/tbody>\n<\/table>\n<\/div>\n<p>\u2192 Six new permanent and four non-renewable non-permanent seats \u2014 directly addressing the long-noted deficits of Africa and Asia.<\/p>\n<ul>\n<li><span class=\"n-sch\">Inis Claude Jr.<\/span> \u2014 the veto was a deliberate design to prevent enforcement against any of the Big Five: structural paralysis by choice.<\/li>\n<li>The P5 treat veto reform as non-negotiable; the G4 has accepted, as a transitional compromise, that the veto be limited to existing permanent members \u201cfor at least 15 years\u201d.<\/li>\n<li>Restraint, not removal, is the realistic path. The UNGA <span class=\"n-term\">veto initiative<\/span> (resolution 76\/262, 2022) forces a vetoing state to explain itself before the Assembly within 10 working days; the <span class=\"n-term\">ACT Code of Conduct<\/span> and the France\u2013Mexico initiative pledge against the veto in the face of atrocity crimes \u2014 though of the P5 only France and the UK have signed the former, and only France the latter.<\/li>\n<li><span class=\"n-sch\">Bharat H. Desai<\/span> \u2014 these shifts \u201copen the doors for the\u2026 permanent membership without veto\u201d, a \u201cpragmatic way out\u201d for India and the G4.<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<h3 id=\"uniting-for-consensus-coffee-club\">Uniting for Consensus (Coffee Club)<\/h3>\n<p><span class=\"n-lab\">Members<\/span> \u2014 formed in the mid-1990s under Italy; core members include Argentina, Canada, Colombia, Costa Rica, Italy, Malta, Mexico, Pakistan, the Republic of Korea, San Marino, Spain and T\u00fcrkiye, speaking for roughly 50\u201355 states. <span class=\"n-term\">Preference<\/span> \u2014 expand non-permanent seats only (longer-term, re-electable) with curbs on the veto; its March 2024 proposal took this line.<\/p>\n<div class=\"n-tw\">\n<table>\n<thead>\n<tr>\n<th>G4<\/th>\n<th>Uniting for Consensus<\/th>\n<\/tr>\n<\/thead>\n<tbody>\n<tr>\n<td>New permanent + non-permanent seats.<\/td>\n<td>More elected seats only; no new permanent members.<\/td>\n<\/tr>\n<tr>\n<td>Fixes representation where demand and workload lie.<\/td>\n<td>Rotation and re-election improve accountability.<\/td>\n<\/tr>\n<tr>\n<td>Veto capped for existing P5 for 15+ years.<\/td>\n<td>New permanent members without veto would deepen the democratic deficit.<\/td>\n<\/tr>\n<\/tbody>\n<\/table>\n<\/div>\n<p><span class=\"n-lab\">Objections<\/span> \u2014 new permanent seats would \u201cfreeze privilege\u201d and widen the divide between large and small states; reform must respect <span class=\"n-term\"><span class=\"n-law\">Article 108<\/span><\/span> (two-thirds of the UNGA plus ratification by all five veto-holders). <span class=\"n-term\">Motivation<\/span> \u2014 regional rivalries, with Pakistan opposing India and Italy opposing Germany.<\/p>\n<p>\u2192 <span class=\"n-term\">India\u2019s position:<\/span> it has rejected the UfC plan and called for a credible \u201cUN 2.0\u201d at the Inter-Governmental Negotiations (2024), describing the slow pace as a \u201cwasted opportunity\u201d. The Chair\u2019s \u201cConvergences and Divergences\u201d paper of 17 June 2025 confirms deep splits and no agreed negotiating text.<\/p>\n<div class=\"n-pyq\"><span class=\"n-pyq-chip\">UPSC 2017 \u00b7 15m<\/span><span class=\"n-pyq-q\">\u2018Uniting for Consensus\u2019 also known as \u2018Coffee Club\u2019 has opposed the claims of India and other countries over permanent membership of the UN Security Council. Point out their major objections.<\/span><a class=\"n-pyq-a\" href=\"\/psir\/psir-pyq\/uniting-for-consensus-also-known-as-coffee-club-upsc-psir-2017-4703\/\">Answer<\/a><\/div>\n<h3 id=\"china-india-s-claim\">China &amp; India\u2019s Claim<\/h3>\n<ul>\n<li>China is the main opponent of India\u2019s permanent membership \u2014 a position tied to their history of border conflict \u2014 and has repeatedly declined to welcome India into the permanent category.<\/li>\n<li>India has explicit backing from four of the five permanent members \u2014 the US, the UK, France and Russia. <span class=\"n-term\">China remains non-committal and could veto any Charter amendment.<\/span><\/li>\n<li>China uses peacekeeping to build defence diplomacy with African nations; <span class=\"n-sch\">C. Raja Mohan<\/span> notes this has given it a political advantage over India. In Delhi, the seat is seen as a way to balance Chinese power in Asia, and in South Asia.<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<div class=\"n-pyq\"><span class=\"n-pyq-chip\">UPSC 2016 \u00b7 15m<\/span><span class=\"n-pyq-q\">Critically analyze China\u2019s role in international politics against India\u2019s demand for permanent seat in UN Security Council.<\/span><a class=\"n-pyq-a\" href=\"\/psir\/psir-pyq\/critically-analyze-chinas-role-in-international-politics-against-upsc-psir-2016-4701\/\">Answer<\/a><\/div>\n<h3 id=\"impediments-in-india-s-path\">Impediments in India\u2019s Path<\/h3>\n<ul>\n<li><span class=\"n-lab\">Charter rigidity<\/span> \u2014 a two-thirds UNGA majority plus ratification by every permanent member, so a single veto stops enlargement. <span class=\"n-term\">Opposition<\/span> \u2014 the UfC group, plus competing claims from Africa and Latin America that dilute support.<\/li>\n<li><span class=\"n-lab\">Great-power calculation<\/span> \u2014 the P5 are reluctant to admit members who would dilute their influence; divide-and-rule preserves the status quo; Russia and the US weigh their support against wider bargains with Beijing.<\/li>\n<li><span class=\"n-lab\">Procedural deadlock<\/span> \u2014 fifteen years of IGN without a single negotiating text, and no agreed criteria for permanent membership.<\/li>\n<li><span class=\"n-lab\">India-specific<\/span> \u2014 non-signature of the NPT (despite \u201cNo First Use\u201d) and a modest UN-budget contribution.<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<blockquote class=\"n-quote\">\n<p><span class=\"n-term\">Three further constraints \u2014 Mukherjee and Malone<\/span>  (1) <span class=\"n-term\">Resource constraints<\/span> \u2014 limited means hinder consistent lobbying; (2) <span class=\"n-term\">Normative engagement<\/span> \u2014 India needs deeper engagement with the normative side of Council issues; (3) <span class=\"n-term\">Entitlement vs realpolitik<\/span><\/p>\n<p><cite>entitlement is insufficient; strategic alliances are necessary.<\/cite><\/p><\/blockquote>\n<p>\u2192 <span class=\"n-term\">The larger question<\/span> \u2014 <span class=\"n-sch\">Neelam Deo<\/span>, <span class=\"n-sch\">C. Raja Mohan<\/span> and <span class=\"n-sch\">Shyam Saran<\/span> warn a \u201cCold War 2.0\u201d could sideline the UN, making the seat less consequential than pragmatic partnerships; <span class=\"n-sch\">Ramesh Thakur<\/span> cautions that threats of \u201cnon-co-operation\u201d carry reputational cost; <span class=\"n-sch\">Teresita Schaffer<\/span> notes India\u2019s growing \u201cmultilateral personality\u201d.<\/p>\n<div class=\"n-pyq\"><span class=\"n-pyq-chip\">UPSC 2018 \u00b7 15m<\/span><span class=\"n-pyq-q\">Discuss the various impediments in India\u2019s way to a permanent seat in the Security Council.<\/span><a class=\"n-pyq-a\" href=\"\/psir\/psir-pyq\/discuss-the-various-impediments-in-indias-way-to-a-permanent-seat-upsc-psir-2018-4704\/\">Answer<\/a><\/div>\n<h3 id=\"the-veto-question\">The Veto Question<\/h3>\n<p>Should India accept a permanent seat without the veto, or insist on full parity with the P5?<\/p>\n<ul>\n<li><span class=\"n-lab\">Insist on the veto<\/span> \u2014 <span class=\"n-sch\">Natwar Singh<\/span> and Ambassador <span class=\"n-sch\">Nirupam Sen<\/span>: new permanent members must have veto rights, or the Council runs on two tiers. Commodore <span class=\"n-sch\">Uday Bhaskar<\/span>: refuse seats without the veto, since acceptance would entrench the original five.<\/li>\n<li><span class=\"n-lab\">Flexibility<\/span> \u2014 India has agreed to delay veto discussions and the G4 accepts a fifteen-year moratorium. <span class=\"n-sch\">Bharat H. Desai<\/span> reads veto-restraint norms as a \u201cpragmatic way out\u201d; <span class=\"n-sch\">Chinmaya R. Gharekhan<\/span> urges realism and practical arrangements such as semi-peripheral membership.<\/li>\n<li><span class=\"n-lab\">The obstacle to parity<\/span> \u2014 <span class=\"n-sch\">Ashley Tellis<\/span>: reluctance to grant the veto reflects concern about India\u2019s independent foreign policy. <span class=\"n-sch\">Rajesh Rajagopalan<\/span> takes the opposite route \u2014 abolish or limit the veto altogether.<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<p>\u2192 India\u2019s settled position: true reform needs equal rights for new permanent members; a seat without the veto is an inadequate compromise.<\/p>\n<div class=\"n-pyq\"><span class=\"n-pyq-chip\">UPSC 2024 \u00b7 10m<\/span><span class=\"n-pyq-q\">\u201cIndia must strive to become a semi-permanent member of the UNSC, rather than a permanent member without the right to veto.\u201d Comment.<\/span><a class=\"n-pyq-a\" href=\"\/psir\/psir-pyq\/india-must-strive-to-become-a-semi-permanent-member-of-the-unsc-upsc-psir-2024-4709\/\">Answer<\/a><\/div>\n<h3 id=\"india-s-diplomatic-strategy\">India\u2019s Diplomatic Strategy<\/h3>\n<ul>\n<li><span class=\"n-lab\">Maximize support in the UNGA<\/span> \u2014 leadership in the G-77 and NAM to build a two-thirds majority; the <span class=\"n-term\">L.69 Group<\/span> (India services its secretariat), which presses for an \u201caccountable, representative, transparent\u201d Council; and the <span class=\"n-term\">G4<\/span>.<\/li>\n<li><span class=\"n-lab\">Minimize resistance in the UNSC<\/span> \u2014 bilateral outreach and strategic partnerships; demonstrating credibility (democratic record, responsible nuclear posture, peacekeeping); and presenting itself as necessary on terrorism, climate and development.<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<blockquote class=\"n-quote\">\n<p><span class=\"n-term\">What scholars advise<\/span> <span class=\"n-sch\">Ramachandra Guha<\/span> \u2014 prioritize internal development over superstar status. <span class=\"n-sch\">C. Raja Mohan<\/span> \u2014 guard against being bargained by the West. <span class=\"n-sch\">Ramesh Thakur<\/span> \u2014 non-cooperation is a possible but risky lever. <span class=\"n-sch\">Shyam Saran<\/span><\/p>\n<p><cite>build concrete power instead of chasing illusory goals.<\/cite><\/p><\/blockquote>\n<h3 id=\"india-the-un-s-ineffectiveness-in-recent-crises\">India &amp; the UN\u2019s Ineffectiveness in Recent Crises<\/h3>\n<p>The UN\u2019s failure on Russia\u2013Ukraine and the West Asian conflicts has sharpened scrutiny of its structural limits. India\u2019s response is shaped by strategic autonomy and the non-alignment tradition.<\/p>\n<p><span class=\"n-term\">25.1 The Russia\u2013Ukraine crisis<\/span><\/p>\n<ul>\n<li>India has consistently abstained on resolutions condemning Russia in the UNSC, the HRC and the UNGA.<\/li>\n<li><span class=\"n-lab\">Historical ties &amp; defence dependence<\/span> \u2014 <span class=\"n-sch\">S. Jaishankar<\/span> treats India\u2013Russia as a consistent fixture; <span class=\"n-sch\">C. Raja Mohan<\/span> and <span class=\"n-sch\">Harsh V. Pant<\/span> point to reliance on Russian hardware and diplomatic backing on Kashmir.<\/li>\n<li><span class=\"n-lab\">Strategic autonomy<\/span> \u2014 abstention preserves autonomy amid polarization; <span class=\"n-sch\">Narendra Modi<\/span>\u2019s line to Putin, \u201cnow is not an era of war\u201d, expresses a preference for dialogue. It also helps avoid a Russia\u2013China\u2013Pakistan axis.<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<p><span class=\"n-term\">25.2 West Asia<\/span><\/p>\n<ul>\n<li><span class=\"n-lab\">Israel\u2013Palestine<\/span> \u2014 India supports a two-state solution, direct negotiations and Palestinian rights while deepening ties with Israel; <span class=\"n-sch\">Happymon Jacob<\/span> calls this dual engagement \u201cpragmatic idealism\u201d.<\/li>\n<li><span class=\"n-lab\">Iran<\/span> \u2014 cautious engagement on the nuclear question and sanctions; India presses for international law and peaceful settlement while pursuing energy interests, particularly through Chabahar Port.<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<p><span class=\"n-term\">25.3 Scholarly assessments<\/span><\/p>\n<p><span class=\"n-sch\">Shyam Saran<\/span> and <span class=\"n-sch\">Suhasini Haidar<\/span> criticise the paralysis of the UN and the Council\u2019s inability to act because of veto politics. Think tanks such as <span class=\"n-term\">ORF<\/span> and <span class=\"n-term\">IDSA<\/span> note India\u2019s advocacy for multilateralism alongside its readiness to act independently. \u2192 The posture combines realist strategy, multilateral advocacy and pragmatic idealism.<\/p>\n<h3 id=\"theoretical-perspectives\">Theoretical Perspectives<\/h3>\n<div class=\"n-tw\">\n<table>\n<thead>\n<tr>\n<th>Lens<\/th>\n<th>Reading of India\u2019s UN engagement<\/th>\n<\/tr>\n<\/thead>\n<tbody>\n<tr>\n<td><span class=\"n-term\">Realism<\/span><\/td>\n<td>The seat is a quest for power and status; peacekeeping bolsters security and standing; Ukraine and West Asia reflect national interest over ideology.<\/td>\n<\/tr>\n<tr>\n<td><span class=\"n-term\">Liberal Institutionalism<\/span><\/td>\n<td>The UN\u2019s founding philosophy; peacekeeping and multilateralism express commitment to a rules-based order; scepticism yields selective engagement (BRICS, SCO).<\/td>\n<\/tr>\n<tr>\n<td><span class=\"n-term\">Constructivism<\/span><\/td>\n<td>Identity and norms matter; peacekeeping reflects India\u2019s self-image as a responsible actor and leader of the Global South.<\/td>\n<\/tr>\n<tr>\n<td><span class=\"n-term\">Collective Security<\/span><\/td>\n<td>Underpins the peacekeeping role \u2014 shared responsibility for peace, and the legitimacy India draws from participation.<\/td>\n<\/tr>\n<\/tbody>\n<\/table>\n<\/div>\n<p>\u2192 <span class=\"n-sch\">Robert Keohane<\/span> and <span class=\"n-sch\">Joseph Nye<\/span> supply the corrective: institutions can redistribute control toward those already at the centre of networks \u2014 precisely India\u2019s complaint about the Council.<\/p>\n<h3 id=\"important-scholarly-assessments\">Important Scholarly Assessments<\/h3>\n<div class=\"n-tw\">\n<table>\n<thead>\n<tr>\n<th>Scholar<\/th>\n<th>Assessment<\/th>\n<\/tr>\n<\/thead>\n<tbody>\n<tr>\n<td><span class=\"n-sch\">Satish Nambiar<\/span><\/td>\n<td>Peacekeeping has no Charter basis; India\u2019s contribution to peace and security is second to none, expressed in practical terms including casualties.<\/td>\n<\/tr>\n<tr>\n<td><span class=\"n-sch\">Manu Bhagavan<\/span><\/td>\n<td>India helped conceptualize the UN and shape it into an organization of universal character.<\/td>\n<\/tr>\n<tr>\n<td><span class=\"n-sch\">David Scott<\/span><\/td>\n<td>Voice within international organizations is both symbolic and substantive success for rising states.<\/td>\n<\/tr>\n<tr>\n<td><span class=\"n-term\">Keohane &amp; Nye<\/span><\/td>\n<td>Transnational institutions can advantage those already at the centre of networks.<\/td>\n<\/tr>\n<tr>\n<td><span class=\"n-sch\">C. Raja Mohan<\/span><\/td>\n<td>Peacekeeping shows moral authority and strategic capacity; move beyond troops; avoid being bargained by the West.<\/td>\n<\/tr>\n<tr>\n<td><span class=\"n-sch\">Ramesh Thakur<\/span><\/td>\n<td>Emerging powers\u2019 contributions strengthen their governance case; non-cooperation is possible but risky.<\/td>\n<\/tr>\n<tr>\n<td><span class=\"n-sch\">Shashi Tharoor<\/span><\/td>\n<td>India\u2019s role in global peace shows readiness for greater responsibility.<\/td>\n<\/tr>\n<tr>\n<td><span class=\"n-sch\">Arundhati Ghose<\/span><\/td>\n<td>Peacekeeping has strengthened India\u2019s standing and serves equity and a reformed order.<\/td>\n<\/tr>\n<tr>\n<td><span class=\"n-term\">The critical school<\/span><\/td>\n<td><span class=\"n-sch\">Nitin Pai<\/span> &amp; <span class=\"n-sch\">Sushant Singh<\/span>, <span class=\"n-sch\">Richard Gowan<\/span>, <span class=\"n-sch\">Thierry Tardy<\/span>, <span class=\"n-sch\">Anit Mukherjee<\/span>, <span class=\"n-sch\">Manmohan Bahadur<\/span> \u2014 heavy contribution has not converted into recognition or a seat.<\/td>\n<\/tr>\n<tr>\n<td><span class=\"n-sch\">Harsh V. Pant<\/span><\/td>\n<td>Three reasons for the seat: recognition, insurance against a repeat of 1948 on Kashmir, and protection of smaller states.<\/td>\n<\/tr>\n<tr>\n<td><span class=\"n-sch\">Inis Claude Jr.<\/span><\/td>\n<td>The veto was designed to prevent enforcement against the Big Five; paralysis by design.<\/td>\n<\/tr>\n<tr>\n<td><span class=\"n-sch\">Bharat H. Desai<\/span><\/td>\n<td>Emerging veto-restraint norms open a pragmatic route to permanent membership without veto.<\/td>\n<\/tr>\n<tr>\n<td><span class=\"n-sch\">Ashley Tellis<\/span><\/td>\n<td>Reluctance to grant India the veto reflects concern about its independent foreign policy.<\/td>\n<\/tr>\n<tr>\n<td><span class=\"n-sch\">Shyam Saran<\/span><\/td>\n<td>Expand permanent membership to India, Brazil and South Africa; build concrete power.<\/td>\n<\/tr>\n<tr>\n<td><span class=\"n-sch\">Chinmaya R. Gharekhan<\/span><\/td>\n<td>Be realistic; pursue semi-peripheral membership.<\/td>\n<\/tr>\n<tr>\n<td><span class=\"n-sch\">Teresita Schaffer<\/span><\/td>\n<td>India\u2019s influence grows through its broader \u201cmultilateral personality\u201d.<\/td>\n<\/tr>\n<tr>\n<td><span class=\"n-term\">Kofi Annan \u00b7 Ant\u00f3nio Guterres<\/span><\/td>\n<td>Reform or irrelevance; the world \u201cneeds more UN, not less\u201d \u2014 a surplus of challenges, a shortage of answers.<\/td>\n<\/tr>\n<\/tbody>\n<\/table>\n<\/div>\n<h3 id=\"conclusion\">Conclusion<\/h3>\n<p>India\u2019s engagement runs on two tracks that reinforce each other \u2014 a leading troop and police contributor supporting day-to-day operations, and a reform advocate pressing for a Council that reflects contemporary power. <span class=\"n-term\">Contributor in the field, reformer in diplomacy, stakeholder in the organization\u2019s future.<\/span><\/p>\n<ul>\n<li>Credibility earned in the field supplies both the moral standing and the policy content of the reform case \u2014 representation for implementers, credible mandates, safety of peacekeepers, technology-enabled operations.<\/li>\n<li>The gap between contribution and Council outcomes sustains the campaign and will not close through merit alone \u2014 Charter rigidity, competing regional claims, veto politics and great-power competition all work against a quick result.<\/li>\n<li>Institutions built for the twentieth century will not serve the twenty-first: the Council risks irrelevance, and the world risks turbulence with no one able to address it. A UN unwilling to reform will erode its own legitimacy and meet the fate of the League of Nations.<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<h3 id=\"india-and-the-un-the-approach\">India and the UN \u2014 the Approach<\/h3>\n<ul>\n<li><span class=\"n-sch\">Harsh V. Pant<\/span> \u2192 Indian leadership holds that working in and through bodies like the UN serves both India and the wider international community. India saw the UN as the central instrument for peace during the Cold War; since then its engagement has shifted, and it now spearheads reforms to make the body more representative, credible and effective.<\/li>\n<li>Among these reforms, <span class=\"n-term\">UNSC reform<\/span> is of special interest. From the early 21st century India has pursued permanent membership, building collective positions through the <span class=\"n-term\">G4<\/span> (from late 2004) and the <span class=\"n-term\">L69<\/span> group (from 2007), and cultivating individual country pledges.<\/li>\n<li><span class=\"n-term\">April 2023<\/span> \u2192 EAM <span class=\"n-sch\">S. Jaishankar<\/span> said India would soon become a permanent member, arguing that the West cannot keep its door closed to a rising economic power for long.<\/li>\n<li><span class=\"n-sch\">Harsh V. Pant<\/span> is cautious: reform is highly unlikely soon, yet India keeps spending precious diplomatic capital on the seat, treating it as an almost indispensable foreign-policy priority.<\/li>\n<li><span class=\"n-term\">Why the Council must change<\/span> \u2192 the UN was formed after the Second World War and still mirrors that order, not today\u2019s distribution of power. It failed to prevent the genocides in <span class=\"n-term\">Rwanda<\/span> and <span class=\"n-term\">Bosnia<\/span>, the interventions in <span class=\"n-term\">Iraq<\/span> and <span class=\"n-term\">Libya<\/span>, and the enforcement of law in the <span class=\"n-term\">Nicaragua<\/span> and <span class=\"n-term\">South China Sea<\/span> disputes; failure was visible in <span class=\"n-term\">Syria<\/span> and <span class=\"n-term\">Yemen<\/span>, and is visible now in the <span class=\"n-term\">Russia\u2013Ukraine<\/span> war. Whenever a veto-wielding P5 interest is engaged, the Council fails.<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<p><span class=\"n-lab\">The process of reform \u2014 the real barrier<\/span> \u2014 Charter amendment needs <span class=\"n-term\">two-thirds of the General Assembly<\/span>, and <span class=\"n-term\">two-thirds of the Security Council including all permanent members<\/span>. The second threshold is the barrier: most P5 members (apart from the UK and France) oppose significant change and can veto it.<\/p>\n<p><span class=\"n-term\">The five reform issues:<\/span> Categories of membership \u00b7 The veto \u00b7 Regional representation \u00b7 Size and working of an enlarged Council \u00b7 Council\u2013Assembly relationship<\/p>\n<h3 id=\"india-s-case-for-a-permanent-seat\">India\u2019s Case for a Permanent Seat<\/h3>\n<p>A permanent seat has been on India\u2019s agenda since the Cold War\u2019s end; the collapse of the Soviet Union left India without its primary ally and forced a reorientation.<\/p>\n<ul>\n<li><span class=\"n-sch\">C. Raja Mohan<\/span> \u2192 India first saw veto power as essential to its national interest, if only to keep others out of its affairs.<\/li>\n<li><span class=\"n-sch\">Manu Bhagavan<\/span> \u2192 economic reforms turned India into the new \u201cAsian Tiger\u201d; the Pokhran detonation announced its entry into the elite nuclear club. With this status, India embraced a narrative of <span class=\"n-term\">exceptionalism<\/span> and demanded a permanent seat in recognition of its significance.<\/li>\n<li>Securing its rightful place in the \u201ccomity of nations\u201d has been a goal since Nehru. As the Council reflects the archaic post-1945 order, it must be restructured to reflect India\u2019s current standing.<\/li>\n<li><span class=\"n-term\">The objective basis<\/span> \u2192 population, size, GDP and economic potential, civilizational legacy, cultural diversity, and a working democratic system.<\/li>\n<li><span class=\"n-term\">Contributions<\/span> \u2192 the most consistent and <span class=\"n-term\">third-largest contributor of troops<\/span> to UN peacekeeping; a demonstrated ability, as a non-permanent member, to work the machinery of global governance.<\/li>\n<li><span class=\"n-sch\">Harsh V. Pant<\/span> and <span class=\"n-sch\">Chirayu Thakkar<\/span> \u2192 India is expanding its footprint in multilateral bodies and preparing to become a global rule-maker; a revisionist China\u2019s rise has pushed the US to seek India\u2019s role in upholding the rules-based order \u2014 but India cannot play that role without a permanent seat.<\/li>\n<li><span class=\"n-sch\">Aarshi Tirkey<\/span> \u2192 the Council\u2019s decision-making is archaic and has obstructed action: China\u2019s obstruction meant the <span class=\"n-term\">1267 Sanctions Committee<\/span> took nearly a decade to designate Masood Azhar as a global terrorist. Reform is urgent to make the process representative, legitimate, efficient and transparent.<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<blockquote class=\"n-quote\">\n<p>\u201cOnly reformed multilateralism with a reformed United Nations at its centre can meet the aspirations of humanity.\u201d<\/p>\n<p><cite>PM Narendra Modi, ECOSOC speech<\/cite><\/p><\/blockquote>\n<h3 id=\"points-in-favour-of-india\">Points in Favour of India<\/h3>\n<ul>\n<li>Russia, the US, France and the UK have consistently supported India\u2019s cause; more than <span class=\"n-term\">50 other countries<\/span> have openly done so.<\/li>\n<li>At the <span class=\"n-term\">2023 G20 Summit<\/span>, US President Joe Biden reaffirmed support for India\u2019s permanent membership.<\/li>\n<li>The only permanent member opposing India\u2019s entry is <span class=\"n-term\">China<\/span>; it supports reform in principle but has never explicitly backed India\u2019s expansion call.<\/li>\n<li>India has served <span class=\"n-term\">eight times<\/span> as a non-permanent member; in 2021 it won its eighth term with <span class=\"n-term\">184 of 192 votes<\/span>.<\/li>\n<li>India is part of the <span class=\"n-term\">G4<\/span>, working to expand both permanent and non-permanent seats; in 2021 the G4 reiterated the need to enlarge the Council to meet complex threats.<\/li>\n<li><span class=\"n-sch\">Harsh V. Pant<\/span> and <span class=\"n-sch\">Chirayu Thakkar<\/span> \u2192 India has no militarised disputes and shows no revanchist policy beyond standing issues with China and Pakistan, so the risk of abuse of power is low and it could take a relatively impartial global role.<\/li>\n<li>India has good relations with both the developing and the developed worlds \u2014 part of the <span class=\"n-term\">G77<\/span> and (partially) the <span class=\"n-term\">G7<\/span>, and a member of the <span class=\"n-term\">G20<\/span> \u2014 positioning it as an ideal candidate.<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<h3 id=\"challenges-to-india-s-demand\">Challenges to India\u2019s Demand<\/h3>\n<ul>\n<li><span class=\"n-term\">Opposition to the G4<\/span> \u2192 regional rivals formed <span class=\"n-term\">Uniting for Consensus<\/span> (the \u201cCoffee Club\u201d \u2014 Italy, Pakistan, Spain, Argentina, Canada, Mexico, South Korea), which opposes new permanent seats but supports enlarging the non-permanent category.<\/li>\n<li>The <span class=\"n-term\">African Group<\/span> wants two permanent seats for Africa, citing historical injustice and the continent\u2019s weight on the Council\u2019s agenda, to rotate among African states.<\/li>\n<li>The rigid amendment process (two-thirds plus all P5) makes expansion look like a <span class=\"n-term\">pipe dream<\/span>.<\/li>\n<li>The US, UK, France and Russia express support, but the US has offered <span class=\"n-term\">no formal written backing<\/span>.<\/li>\n<li>Given India\u2019s frequent alignment with Russia and China (BRICS, SCO, AIIB), the US and the West suspect it of belonging to a counter-hegemonic bloc, so American support is of questionable seriousness.<\/li>\n<li><span class=\"n-term\">The China factor<\/span> \u2192 the primary obstacle; China presses for a <span class=\"n-term\">\u201cpackage solution\u201d<\/span> acceptable to all, through the widest possible consultation.<\/li>\n<li>Rivalries run deep: many Europeans oppose Germany, Argentina questions Brazil, Pakistan opposes India. Reform is like a <span class=\"n-term\">Rubik\u2019s Cube<\/span> \u2014 it will languish while divisions are so sharp.<\/li>\n<li><span class=\"n-sch\">Aarshi Tirkey<\/span> \u2192 experts question India\u2019s readiness to share the financial, material and political burden. India contributes about <span class=\"n-term\">$23.4 million<\/span> to the UN\u2019s roughly <span class=\"n-term\">$3-billion<\/span> operational budget; the question is whether New Delhi will carry a larger share.<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<div class=\"n-tw\">\n<table>\n<thead>\n<tr>\n<th>Permanent member<\/th>\n<th>Stated position on India<\/th>\n<\/tr>\n<\/thead>\n<tbody>\n<tr>\n<td><span class=\"n-term\">United States<\/span><\/td>\n<td>Supports permanent membership for Japan and India, and a small number of extra non-permanent members<\/td>\n<\/tr>\n<tr>\n<td><span class=\"n-term\">United Kingdom &amp; France<\/span><\/td>\n<td>Support the G4 position \u2014 permanent seats for Germany, Brazil, India and Japan, and a greater African presence<\/td>\n<\/tr>\n<tr>\n<td><span class=\"n-term\">China<\/span><\/td>\n<td>Backs stronger developing-country representation and a greater Indian role, but has not endorsed India\u2019s Council ambitions<\/td>\n<\/tr>\n<tr>\n<td><span class=\"n-term\">Russia<\/span><\/td>\n<td>Has endorsed India\u2019s candidature, though its support is not guaranteed given Moscow\u2013Beijing convergence<\/td>\n<\/tr>\n<\/tbody>\n<\/table>\n<\/div>\n<h3 id=\"evaluation-and-policy-suggestions\">Evaluation and Policy Suggestions<\/h3>\n<div class=\"n-tw\">\n<table>\n<thead>\n<tr>\n<th>Scholar<\/th>\n<th>Position<\/th>\n<\/tr>\n<\/thead>\n<tbody>\n<tr>\n<td><span class=\"n-sch\">Manu Bhagavan<\/span><\/td>\n<td>Whether or not India gets a seat \u2014 and especially if it does \u2014 India must also work to reform the UN, which needs a capable bureaucracy and resources, and must overcome members pushing narrow national agendas. India should send its most skilled people to serve, raise financial contributions, and provide forces and material for missions<\/td>\n<\/tr>\n<tr>\n<td><span class=\"n-sch\">David Held<\/span> \u00b7 <span class=\"n-sch\">Thomas Weiss<\/span><\/td>\n<td>Held \u2014 \u201clayered cosmopolitan perspectives\u201d that account for local, regional and national formations. Weiss \u2014 global <em>government<\/em>, not merely global <em>governance<\/em>, is the way forward; insights close to the foresight of Gandhi and Nehru<\/td>\n<\/tr>\n<tr>\n<td><span class=\"n-sch\">Shyam Saran<\/span><\/td>\n<td>There is no point chasing \u201cillusionary goals\u201d; India should focus on building military and economic strength<\/td>\n<\/tr>\n<tr>\n<td><span class=\"n-sch\">Harsh V. Pant<\/span><\/td>\n<td>India\u2019s credentials as a major power are recognised, but it must still persuade the world of a valid claim; under intense scrutiny on Iran, Israel\u2013Palestine, Sudan, North Korea and Myanmar, India must discard old assumptions and balance national interest with the responsibilities of an emerging power<\/td>\n<\/tr>\n<tr>\n<td><span class=\"n-sch\">Richard Roth<\/span><\/td>\n<td>The hurdle is that many aspire to a seat, but others are reluctant to grant it<\/td>\n<\/tr>\n<tr>\n<td><span class=\"n-sch\">Shashi Tharoor<\/span><\/td>\n<td>Any single country, India included, is unlikely to secure a seat alone; reform must open the door to several contenders, or there will be no reform at all<\/td>\n<\/tr>\n<tr>\n<td><span class=\"n-sch\">C. Raja Mohan<\/span><\/td>\n<td>In global politics it is \u201cnot a power of argument but an argument of power\u201d that works; India must build internal strength while working with others to reform the UN<\/td>\n<\/tr>\n<tr>\n<td><span class=\"n-sch\">Manu Bhagavan<\/span> (conclusion)<\/td>\n<td>India has flailed in the UN, its diplomats taking misguided satisfaction in small victories while failing to achieve substance; a permanent seat \u2014 its main goal since the 1980s \u2014 appears no closer today, \u201cdog bones and patronizing head pats from the United States notwithstanding\u201d<\/td>\n<\/tr>\n<tr>\n<td><span class=\"n-sch\">Ramesh Thakur<\/span><\/td>\n<td>India might try a \u201cnon-cooperation movement\u201d with the UN, over peacekeeping, so that others realise its importance<\/td>\n<\/tr>\n<tr>\n<td><span class=\"n-sch\">Kate Sullivan de Estrada<\/span> \u00b7 <span class=\"n-sch\">Babak Moussavi<\/span><\/td>\n<td>Indian representatives energised the reform deliberations, but procedural obstacles, competing proposals, doubts about an enlarged Council\u2019s legitimacy, geopolitics and status contests made a straightforward solution elusive<\/td>\n<\/tr>\n<tr>\n<td><span class=\"n-sch\">Harsh V. Pant<\/span> \u00b7 <span class=\"n-sch\">Chirayu Thakkar<\/span><\/td>\n<td>Reform is seen too narrowly through representation; two further aspects \u2014 resourcing, and a realignment of priorities toward climate change, pandemics, migration, terrorism and cyber threats \u2014 must be tackled together<\/td>\n<\/tr>\n<tr>\n<td><span class=\"n-sch\">Aarshi Tirkey<\/span><\/td>\n<td>If serious about the seat, India must share the responsibilities: raise its financial, material and political contribution, and bring aspirations and obligations into closer alignment<\/td>\n<\/tr>\n<\/tbody>\n<\/table>\n<\/div>\n<h3 id=\"conclusion-2\">Conclusion<\/h3>\n<p>The United Nations cannot and should not be expected to answer every problem facing the world. As <span class=\"n-sch\">Jussi M. Hanhim\u00e4ki<\/span> notes in <em>The United Nations: A Very Short Introduction<\/em>, it often offers ways to reduce tension and resolve problems, performs a great deal of useful humanitarian work, and makes it possible for the poor to improve their situation. It is far from flawless and, like individual states, it constantly needs to improve in behaviour and effectiveness. Yet it remains an organisation the world cannot do without \u2014 and the forum it provides, for communication and cooperation among states, has a legitimacy no other body can supply.<\/p>\n<h3 id=\"proposed-models-for-council-reform\">Proposed Models for Council Reform<\/h3>\n<div class=\"n-tw\">\n<table>\n<thead>\n<tr>\n<th>Model<\/th>\n<th>Who<\/th>\n<th>The demand<\/th>\n<\/tr>\n<\/thead>\n<tbody>\n<tr>\n<td><span class=\"n-lab\">Ezulwini Consensus<\/span> \u2014 African Union, 2005<\/td>\n<td>Africa\u2019s only unified plan<\/td>\n<td>Strong continental representation for Africa<\/td>\n<\/tr>\n<tr>\n<td><span class=\"n-term\">G4<\/span><\/td>\n<td>Brazil, Germany, India, Japan<\/td>\n<td>Backing one another\u2019s bids since the late 1990s; expand the categories of membership and reform working methods. Brazil and India are also in L69. The G4 has twice reopened the reform debate in the past decade<\/td>\n<\/tr>\n<tr>\n<td><span class=\"n-term\">L69<\/span><\/td>\n<td>Forty-two developing countries from Africa, Latin America and the Caribbean, Asia and the Pacific \u2014 eleven African Union states, eleven CARICOM nations and two CARICOM observers<\/td>\n<td>\u201cUnited by a common cause \u2014 to achieve, lasting and comprehensive reform of the UN Security Council.\u201d Backs a non-permanent seat for small island developing states in every region<\/td>\n<\/tr>\n<tr>\n<td><span class=\"n-term\">CARICOM<\/span><\/td>\n<td>The Caribbean grouping, increasingly active<\/td>\n<td>A 2013 communiqu\u00e9 called for a non-permanent seat for Small Island Developing States in all regions and backed the African position. Its draft resolution proposes six new permanent seats \u2014 two for Africa (decided by Africa), two for Asia, one for Latin America and the Caribbean, one for Western Europe and other states \u2014 elected by the General Assembly<\/td>\n<\/tr>\n<tr>\n<td><span class=\"n-term\">Uniting for Consensus<\/span> (UfC)<\/td>\n<td>Argentina, Canada, Italy, Malta, Mexico, Pakistan, South Korea, Spain, Turkey and others<\/td>\n<td>Grew from a \u201ccoffee club\u201d of Italy, Spain, Mexico and Pakistan alarmed at the G4\u2019s momentum, believing neither the G4 nor their own regions would represent their national views<\/td>\n<\/tr>\n<\/tbody>\n<\/table>\n<\/div>\n<blockquote class=\"n-quote\">\n<p>\u201cAfrica is of the view that so long as it exists, and as a matter of common justice, it should be made available to all permanent members of the Security Council, even though it is opposed in principle to the veto.\u201d<\/p>\n<p><cite>Ezulwini Consensus, 2005<\/cite><\/p><\/blockquote>\n<div class=\"n-next\"><a href=\"\/psir\/notes\/role-in-un-peace-keeping\/\"><em>Previous<\/em><b>Role in UN Peace-keeping<\/b><\/a><span><\/span><\/div>\n<p><\/main><\/p>\n<aside class=\"n-rail\">\n<h4>On this page<\/h4>\n<p><a href=\"#india-the-wider-un-agenda\">India &amp; the Wider UN Agenda<\/a><a href=\"#india-s-demand-for-a-permanent-seat\">India\u2019s Demand for a Permanent Seat<\/a><a href=\"#peacekeeping-as-a-ground-for-the-seat\">Peacekeeping as a Ground for the Seat<\/a><a href=\"#the-g4-proposal\">The G4 Proposal<\/a><a href=\"#uniting-for-consensus-coffee-club\">Uniting for Consensus (Coffee Club)<\/a><a href=\"#china-india-s-claim\">China &amp; India\u2019s Claim<\/a><a href=\"#impediments-in-india-s-path\">Impediments in India\u2019s Path<\/a><a href=\"#the-veto-question\">The Veto Question<\/a><a href=\"#india-s-diplomatic-strategy\">India\u2019s Diplomatic Strategy<\/a><a href=\"#india-the-un-s-ineffectiveness-in-recent-crises\">India &amp; the UN\u2019s Ineffectiveness in Recent Crises<\/a><a href=\"#theoretical-perspectives\">Theoretical Perspectives<\/a><a href=\"#important-scholarly-assessments\">Important Scholarly Assessments<\/a><a href=\"#conclusion\">Conclusion<\/a><a href=\"#india-and-the-un-the-approach\">India and the UN \u2014 the Approach<\/a><a href=\"#india-s-case-for-a-permanent-seat\">India\u2019s Case for a Permanent Seat<\/a><a href=\"#points-in-favour-of-india\">Points in Favour of India<\/a><a href=\"#challenges-to-india-s-demand\">Challenges to India\u2019s Demand<\/a><a href=\"#evaluation-and-policy-suggestions\">Evaluation and Policy Suggestions<\/a><a href=\"#conclusion-2\">Conclusion<\/a><a href=\"#proposed-models-for-council-reform\">Proposed Models for Council Reform<\/a><\/aside>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"<p>Demand for a Permanent Seat in the Security Council for the UPSC PSIR optional \u2014 PSIR Notes \u203a II-B India and the World \u203a Demand for a Permanent Seat in the Security Council Paper I<\/p>\n","protected":false},"template":"","meta":{"jetpack_post_was_ever_published":false,"fx_note_key":"II-B.6.2","fx_note_sec":"II-B","fx_note_point":"6","fx_note_desc":"Demand for a Permanent Seat in the Security Council for the UPSC PSIR optional \u2014 PSIR Notes \u203a II-B India and the World \u203a Demand for a Permanent Seat in the Security Council Paper I","footnotes":""},"class_list":["post-3598","psir_note","type-psir_note","status-publish","hentry"],"jetpack_sharing_enabled":true,"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/forumias.com\/psir\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/psir_note\/3598","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/forumias.com\/psir\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/psir_note"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/forumias.com\/psir\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/psir_note"}],"version-history":[{"count":3,"href":"https:\/\/forumias.com\/psir\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/psir_note\/3598\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":3786,"href":"https:\/\/forumias.com\/psir\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/psir_note\/3598\/revisions\/3786"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/forumias.com\/psir\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=3598"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}