Contents
Introduction
India’s Arctic journey from the 1920 Svalbard Treaty and Himadri (2008) to the 2022 Arctic Policy now confronts a geopolitical reality: polar change increasingly shapes India’s climate, commerce, security, strategic autonomy and resilience globally.

Why transition is imperative
- Climate–food security: Arctic amplification and sea-ice loss influence atmospheric and oceanic teleconnections affecting the Indian monsoon. MoES notes Arctic–monsoon linkages; hence polar science informs agriculture, water and food security. Example: monsoon variability.
- Coastal security: Ice loss contributes to sea-level rise, threatening India’s coastline, ports and coastal infrastructure. Economic Survey 2025-26 records adaptation and resilience spending rising from 3.7% of GDP in FY16 to 5.6% in FY22, highlighting climate’s fiscal burden. Example: coastal flooding.
- Geopolitical security: Russia’s Arctic presence, NATO’s northern expansion and China’s “near-Arctic State” posture are transforming the region into a strategic theatre. China’s Polar Silk Road and icebreaker capability expose India’s gap. Example: Polar Silk Road.
- Economic-energy security: The Northern Sea Route can diversify Asia–Europe connectivity, while Arctic hydrocarbons and critical minerals matter for India’s energy transition. Economic Survey 2025-26 identifies critical minerals and technology as key to global energy transition. Example: rare-earth security.
- Global Commons & Governance: As an Observer state in the Arctic Council, India’s voice in polar decision-making remains constrained, necessitating stronger diplomatic leverage.
Institutional, legal and technological shift
- Governance: The 2026 Parliamentary Committee identified fragmented MEA responsibilities and recommended a Polar Ambassador/Representative. This can coordinate MEA, MoES, Defence, Shipping, Mines and industry. Example: Polar Ambassador.
- Legal-diplomatic: Svalbard Treaty rights and Arctic Council Observer status provide entry points; however, full membership is unrealistic because Council membership is confined to Arctic states. India should instead seek greater agenda-setting influence while respecting sovereignty and UNCLOS. Example: rules-based order.
- Scientific-technological: The sanctioned Polar Research Vessel remains delayed, limiting pan-Arctic research. Budget 2026-27’s PACER framework continues polar expeditions and observatories; India must add indigenous ice-class vessels, autonomous sensors, satellite monitoring and AI climate modelling. Example: PRV capability.
- Economic-statecraft: Economic Survey 2025-26’s shift from “strategic resilience” to “strategic indispensability” supports reducing critical external dependencies. NITI Aayog’s 2026 Viksit Bharat, Net Zero work similarly stresses resilience, technology and global integration. Example: mineral partnerships.
- Environmental-social: India must balance resource access with biodiversity, Indigenous rights and the precautionary principle. The Antarctic Act, 2022 shows India’s capacity to translate polar commitments into domestic law. Example: Indigenous participation.
Key Recommendations of the Parliamentary Standing Committee
| Focus Domain | Existing Institutional Gap | Standing Committee Recommendation |
| Polar Diplomacy | Fragmented handling across territorial desks in MEA. | Appoint a dedicated Polar Ambassador to streamline polar foreign policy. |
| Governance Status | Restricted Observer role in the Arctic Council. | Pursue full-fledged membership upon review; advocate for “Quasi-Global Commons” status. |
| Regional Alliances | Bilateral engagement limited compared to East Asian observers. | Form a quadrilateral dialogue with Japan, South Korea, and Singapore. |
| Scientific Assets | Lack of dedicated polar maritime vessels. | Expedite acquisition of a Polar Research Vehicle (PRV) and expand PACER funding. |
Way Forward
- Strategic Pillar Expansion: Formally integrate a 7th pillar- Geopolitics and Strategic Security into the existing 2022 Arctic Policy.
- NSR Feasibility Joint Venture: Accelerate the India-Russia Joint Working Group on the Northern Sea Route to secure commercial shipping access and energy supply chains.
- Global South Polar Leadership: Position India as the voice of developing nations facing downstream climate risks from polar ice melt.
Conclusion
While the Makkah Pact reshapes security dynamics in West Asia, India must respond not with alarm, but with pragmatic diplomacy. Strengthening bilateral security partnerships, promoting economic connectivity, and maintaining robust naval deterrence will ensure India safeguards its national interests in an evolving multipolar order.

